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Games and Pastimes of the Maori
Dominion Museum Bulletin No. 8
First published 1925
Reprinted without textual alteration 1976
Page
Mythical origin of the arts of pleasure. Raukatauri and Raukatamea. Takataka-putea and Marere-o-tonga. The arts of Ruhanui. Rehia an ancient term for Pleasure. Games and pastimes much resorted to by scriptless peoples. Recital of folk tales a favoured pastime. How games entered into social life. The Rev. Yate spears ducks. Effect of European intrusion on Maori life. Potatoes must be peeled on Saturday. Native pastimes, etc., discouraged by missionaries. Introduced European games. Remarks by early writers. Ropata's list of Maori games. The Whare tapere or Whare rehia. The Whare karioi of Polynesia. How huts and plaza were lighted. Entertainment of visitors. Kaipara and para whakawai. Games and exercises demanding agility always encouraged.
Few European games appealed to the Maori. Draughts, cards and football. How Te Mu gained its name. Hop, step and jump much favoured. The bow and arrow not used by the Maori. Parkinson's evidence. The bow known to Polynesians but not used as a weapon. Original inhabitants of North Island probably used bow and arrow. The Mangapai bow. Use of the bow at Tahiti. Marbles. Tug of war.
Love song strong in Polynesian folk. Maori songs difficult to translate. Rhyme unknown, but rhythm much appreciated. The hianga. Ritual chants intoned. Euphony ever sought. Quotations from old songs. Laments most numerous. The Puhirangi lament. Explanation of an old song. Lament composed for a defunct pig. Song composers. Causesof song making. Songs enter largely into formal speeches. Information conveyed by means of song. Peculiar use of vowel sounds. Values of vowels. Hell invented for the Maori. Natural phenomena and objects mentioned in song. Tribal history embedded in songs. Widespread use of song. Remarks by early writers. Different classes of songs. Karakia or ritual formulae. Subjects of songs. The tau manu. War songs. Watch songs. Ngeri. Songs sung to children. Lament for Kekerengu. Tylor on poetic utterances of barbaric man.
Stringed instruments practically unknown to Maori. Remarks by early writers. Polynesian appreciation of the drum. The pu torino, a form of flageolet. The pu hoho. Flutes. The tuteure. The koauau. How the stops were spaced. Flutes fashioned from human bones. Phallic flutes. Flutes played in ritual performances. The rehu. The whio. Nose flutes. The nguru. Widespread use of nose flutes. Pan pipes of Polynesia. The pu kaea, a wooden trumpet. Its tohe. The gourd instrument. The shell trumpet. The bullroarer. The "whizzer." Instruments of percussion. The pahu or gong. The drum of Polynesia. The pakuru. Clappers. The roria, a primitive form of Jew's harp. The ku and tirango, the first rude efforts to produce stringed instruments.
An Account of Various Exercises, Games and Pastimes of theNatives of New Zealand, as Practised in Former Times,Including Some Information Concerning Their Vocal andInstrumental Music
"Ka kawea tatou e te rehia"
(We are allured by the arts of pleasure)
Mythical origin of the arts of pleasure. Raukatauri and Raukautamea. Takataka-putea and Marere-o-tonga. The arts of Ruhanui. Rehia an ancient term for pleasure. Games and pastimes much resorted to by scriptless peoples. Recital of folk tales a favoured pastime. How games entered into social life. The Rev. Yate spears ducks. Effect of European intrusion on Maori life. Potatoes must be peeled on Saturday. Native pastimes, etc., discouraged by missionaries. Introduced games. Remarks by early writers. Ropata's list of Maori diversions. The Whare tapere or Whare rehia. The Whare karioi of Polynesia. How huts and plaza were illuminated. Entertainment of visitors. Kaipara and para-whakawai. Games and exercises demanding agility always encouraged.
Ever true to his mytho-poetic nature, the Maori of past times sought to explain the origin of all amusements and arts of pleasure by attributing them to certain mythical personages of remote times. Thus a common saying runs 'It was Raukatauri who originated all the arts of amusement.' Among some tribes such arts are attributed to Raukatauri and Raukatamea, the art of flute playing and all games are referred to that twain, who flourished in far off, misty times, when man was young upon the earth. These two names are widely known among the various tribes, though occasionally the origin of amusements is assigned to other personages. Thus, among the Tuhoe tribe, Takataka-putea and Marere-o-tonga are said to have been the authors of "Nga mahi a te rehia" or the arts of pleasure. Again, the Ngati-Porou folk of the East Cape district allude to all amusements as "Nga mahi a Ruhanui" (the arts of Ruhanui).
The first four of these origin agents, or personifications of the arts of pleasure, are certainly viewed as having flourished at a period of remote antiquity. Takataka-putea and Marere-o-tonga are mentioned in old myths as having been contemporaries of Rongo-marae-roa, one of the seventy offspring of the Sky Parent and Earth Mother, who represents peace, peace making, and all peaceful Nga mahi a te rehia, a te harakoa" (The arts of pleasure and of joyfulness), or, as the men of old would have put it—"Ka kawea tatau e te rehia"-—We are allured by the arts of pleasure.
When the old warrior Ropata Wahawaha addressed the assembled members of Ngati-Porou at the opening of a new house at Waiapu in 1872, he remarked:—"In former times, when Whanui rose, the crops were gathered and stored, after which the arts of Ruhanui were practised." The heliacal rising of Whanui, the star Vega, was the sign generally accepted as denoting the time for the lifting of the main crop, that of the kumara or sweet potato. The first person of a village community to observe this star in the early morn, at once roused the hamlet with an old and well known cry:—"Ko Whanui . . E! Ko Whanui!" And that community sprang to life and action.
In the legend or myth of Tinirau and Kae, the slayer of Tutunui can only be identified by his niho kowae, or divided teeth, hence certain women famous in Maori myth were despatched to the home of Kae, there to perform amusing games and grotesque antics, in order to cause the people to laugh and thereby expose their teeth. These women were Hine-te-iwaiwa, Raukatauri, Raukatamea, Hine-awhi-rangi, Ruhiruhu and others. The final act, a haka, song and posture dance, which caused all to laugh and led to the identification and death of Kae, was led by Raukatauri.
The term rehia, denoting amusements, is now obsolete in the vernacular, having been replaced by the less precise expressions ahuareka and ngahau. The precision and punctiliousness for which the Maori tongue was formerly remarkable, has now to a great extent been abandoned, and is met with only in legendary matter as preserved by old men. An old time Maori would have alluded to boys' games as 'nga rehia a nga tama tane.'
The communistic social system of the Maori people, combined with the absence of a graphic system whereby to conserve their ancient lore, and provide recreation, caused them to carefully preserve their unwritten literature, and to rely much on games, pastimes and vocal music as a means of passing winter evenings and other periods of leisure. Thus it was that considerable prominence was given to all means of recreation, in many of which adults took part, while
Apart from a considerable number of games and pastimes whereby to wile away his evenings and idle days, the Maori evolved and preserved by means of oral tradition a great mass of myths, folk tales and demon lore. The recital of the popular forms of such stories was a much favoured pastime among young and old. The orthodox sacerdotal versions of such superior myths as those concerning the origin of man and the offspring of the primal parents, were not discussed in public, but were known only to the initiated, though popular versions, 'fireside stories,' of such myths were known to all and related at pleasure. Perhaps the most interesting feature of Maori myths is that illustrating the genius of the men of yore for personifying almost every conceivable thing, heaven and earth, the elements, natural objects, moral qualities and mental activities. Only a small proportion of this mass of legendary lore has been collected, but even that is of such volume as to call for the publication of a volume of imposing size.
Polack, an early writer on Maori customs, remarks on the lack of any definite arrangements with regard to games, as to time and performance. He should have taken into account the habits and domestic economy of the people, and made further enquiries. He would then have found that the Maori indulged in amusements at night, and during his leisure time, such intervals of leisure depending upon the season. Thus, during the periods of crop planting, harvesting, and some other operations, the Maori had but little leisure time, while at other periods he was free to devote time to amusements, visiting, etc. The recreations of these folk may be tabulated as follows:—
We thus see that, albeit the Maori had no statutory half holiday, a fact that Polack seems to have deplored, yet he was able to devote a good deal of time to the pleasures of life, and also was in the habit of making definite arrangements in regard to certain games. Lacking set hours of labour for the whole year, such as obtained among us, he simply indulged in games when at leisure and he felt so disposed. The Rev. Mr. Yate, an early missionary in the north, wrote as follows on the amusements of the Maori:—"Their list of games is very short: their most delightful recreation is talking, and telling wonders; which exercise occupies most of their idle hours, and many of those which are shrouded in darkness and ought to be devoted to sleep. Before the introduction of the musket, the spear was much used as a sport, to throw at small birds in the woods, or at the ducks on the lakes and rivers … Running, climbing, swimming, wrestling, flying kites, and tossing the poi, a ball about the size of a good cricket ball, are most of the games of native origin."
Now to throw a spear at a duck would be about as effective as throwing it at an eagle, and although some forest birds were speared it was not done by throwing a spear at them. The list of games given above represents but a small proportion of those practised by the Maori in pre-European times. The fact is that both Yate and Polack failed to grasp the effect of the most amazing event of Maori history, viz., the startling irruption of an unknown people whose appearance, language, customs, weapons, garments, vessels, etc., were utterly unlike their own, and of whose existence on the earth they had been entirely ignorant. The advent of Europeans and of their customs and manufactures had a startling and permanent effect on native life, which was to a great extent disturbed and disarranged by such intrusion. One effect of this contact with foreigners was the
In describing rules laid down by early missionaries for their guidance, an old native explained to Colonel McDonnell:—"We were much puzzled about the new laws made for our people. We were not to spin humming tops on Sunday, or peel kumara or potatoes; they were to be peeled on Saturday evening, or we must boil them in their skins. We were not to gather firewood on a Sunday, or fish, or bathe, etc., etc."
Again, Dieffenbach wrote:—"Their numerous dances, songs and games were regarded as vices, and were not exchanged for others, but were given up altogether. The missionaries, while abolishing the national dances and games, might with safety have introduced those of England." Here we have a fearful vision of the haka posture dances being replaced by, say quadrilles, and wrestling by forfeits or blind man's buff!
Brown remarks that young men and women formerly amused themselves in the evenings by dancing and singing, noting with pride that 'amongst the missionary natives they are entirely discontinued.'
One is reminded of a statement made by Commodore Wilkes in 1839, concerning the natives of Tahiti:—"Social amusements are prohibited by severe penalties, although the people are evidently fond of them."
These two influences appear to have put a stop to most of the old native games and pastimes, but few of which survived. Those that are still practised to some extent are singing, posture dancing (including the poi) and swimming. In the remoter parts of the Tuhoe district some of the simple forms of pastimes and games were still practised to some extent as late as the beginning of the present century. Among these were the ruru or jackstones (knucklebones), cat's cradle, story telling, ti ringa, and certain childish amusements, such as upoko titi, tar a koekoea, hapi tawa and kura winiwini.
The introduced games or pastimes favoured by the natives are not numerous, and include cards, draughts, hop, step and jump, boxing in European style, and football, the last named being usually played in conjunction with Europeans. The concertina and mouth organ have been favoured instruments with the Maori, but what we view as superior instruments, as also such games as chess, do not, apparently, appeal to the Maori.
The following remarks on Maori games were made by Polack, who lived at the Bay of Islands for some years in the 'thirties' of last century:—"Among the active games indulged in are foot racing, climbing, swimming, canoe racing, in which they excel … Mock fights are represented in every visit, reeds, etc., being substituted for deadlier weapons. Throwing spears and reeds at a given mark is also a favourite amusement, but they do not excel."
This is a very poor list and could have been much lengthened. The throwing of spears was not a common practice in war, for the Maori of old did not take kindly to missile weapons. In his principal game of dart throwing such darts were thrown in a curious underhand manner never employed in the casting of a spear.
G. F. Angas, a sojourner in this land in the 'forties,' also gives a very short list of native games, but many of them had been abandoned at that date. He wrote as follows:—"The children are cheerful and lively little creatures, full of vivacity and intelligence. They pass their early years almost without restraint, amusing themselves with the various games of the country: such as flying kites, which are formed of leaves; the game of maui (cat's cradle); throwing mimic spears made of fern stalks, and sailing their tiny flax canoes on the rivers, or watching them tossed about by the waves of the sea. These are the most favourite sports of these merry and interesting children."
The Rev. J. Stack contributed the following in a paper published in the Report of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science for 1891:—"The children played a variety of games with tops, balls, kites and swings. The youths engaged in wrestling and running, leaping with poles, skipping in squads of ten or a dozen together, and foot and canoe races … They beguiled the long winter evenings by reciting historical traditions and tribal genealogies, by repeating poetry and fairy tales, and by songs, dances, flute-playing, and round games."
Thomson, in his account of native feasts (hakari), states that, at the big assemblies that sometimes took place, guests arrived in thousands, and continues:—"Every pastime of the people was celebrated at a hakari. There was dancing, singing, talking, wrestling, racing, throwing spears, crying, climbing, swimming, flying kites,
ti, tossing the poi ball… Since the year 1840, firing guns, playing cards, draughts, and horse racing have been introduced." Draughts, however, were introduced prior to 1840. The pastime of crying alluded to is the custom of greeting long absent friends with weeping and lamentation. The Rev. R. Taylor strikes a quaint note in Te Ika a Maui:—"But the chief amusement of the females was, and still is, the tangi or crying; the women pride themselves in doing this in the most affecting way."
In Out in the Open is a good account of a modern native meeting, as witnessed about 1880: "Girls and boys here take their share of childish sports, they may be seen skipping, playing at dibs with small potatoes instead of knucklebones, shooting with pop guns made from the wood of the tutu. Tiemi, the swing on the branch, was a never failing source of amusement … Boys and young men, besides the more athletic sports, indulged in games of dexterity, such as throwing at a small bit of stick stuck in a potato, the missiles used were of dried supplejack in pieces about fifteen inches in length, a successful throw called forth loud acclamations from the line of onlookers. In another game on level ground, a small square of about eighteen inches was marked out, the centre divided into three compartments, the player stood about five yards from the square and
In an essay on the Maori race contributed by the Rev. W. Colenso to Vol. I. of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, occurs the following paragraph:—"Of games and diversions the New Zealanders had several; some of them were remarkably innocent. For children they had the whipping top, which, curiously enough, closely resembled the common English one; also a game called whai, played with a string, much like the 'cats cradle' of English children; and another called poi, played with a large, light, ornamental ball attached to a short string. Young men often strove for the mastery in short spear exercises, and in projecting long dry fern stalks over a piece of level ground or sandy beach; and in wrestling, running, leaping, hopping with or without a pole, climbing, swinging, paddling a small canoe, swimming and diving; in the last three mentioned the girls also took part. They had also, for the young of both sexes, games of guessing, in one of which a pebble was hidden among a company; of repeating long involved sentences without stay or hesitation; of singing; and of regular gesticulation by a company all sitting. They had various dances, some of which were mostly performed in their villages by the young women, while the rougher dances, accompanied with grimaces, and defiance, and brandishing of weapons, culminating in the hideous war dance, were generally executed by the adult men. In dancing, however, with the sole exception of the war dance, and also in swimming and other aquatic exercises, they were very much inferior to the other Polynesians. Old men often amused themselves with looking on and encouraging the younger ones, and especially with kite flying and in playing with the poi ball. Their kites (pakaukau) were wholly different from Europeans ones, and more resembling those of the Chinese. They were very ingeniously and neatly made with round and flat rushes, and hovered very prettily in the air. They usually sang or chanted a song to the kite while flying it."
This is a somewhat better list of native recreations of pre-European times, but is still far from being complete.
In the speech made by Ropata Wahawha in 1872, alluded to above,
This is a fair list but is by no means exhaustive. Nos. 1, 20, 21 and 23 are unknown to the writer. Williams gives tuperepere as the name of ceremonial pertaining to the storing of the kumara crop. Possibly it may include the harvest festival. Kui may be an error for ku, which is the name of a very primitive musical instrument, and also of a game or pastime resembling matimati and ti ringa. Nos. 4 and 5 are names relating to presentations of food, and No. 3 relates to something similar. Nos. 17 and 18 we have held to be two names for the same thing, but Ropata gave both names, as though representing two different things.
Native children played a number of simple games in former times, but, unfortunately, no early European resident took the trouble to record them. They were fond of imitating the tasks of their elders, and learned to swim about as soon as they could walk.
Though the Maori never evolved or borrowed any system of writing or hieroglyphs, and rock paintings are rare, yet he took much interest in his decorative art, many of the designs of which are highly artistic, and derived much pleasure from the arts of painting, wood carving and weaving. Many natives are quite skilful at delineating objects, but, for lack of suitable materials, such skill was confined to the above lines. The following remarks were made by the Rev. Mr. Yate many years ago:—"They are fond of imitation, and, if instructed, with a pencil, or with chalk or charcoal on the wall, or with their fingers upon the sands: some draw, with tolerable accuracy, men, horses, cattle, sheep, houses, or any other object; and from recollection, and to amuse themselves, they will frequently sketch a house, a church, or some other building or object, which may have taken their fancy in Port Jackson."
All amusements are spoken of as pertaining to the whare tapere or play house—Nga mahi a te whare tapere. This is largely a figurative expression. Special houses were not constructed in villages for the sole purpose of recreation, but young folk would meet in any dwelling house, or a guest house, that was convenient for the purpose. The whare tapere, says Tuta Nihoniho, was a large house, but an ordinary one, not a superior carved house, and was used as a place of assembly by the people of the village community, or as a house wherein to lodge visitors. It was not specially known as a whare tapere, or set apart as a place for indulgence in amusements or games only; it was merely an ordinary dwelling house save that it was larger than is common. Any dwelling house sufficiently large might be used for the purpose, and, when so used, might be termed, incidentally, a whare tapere, whare ngahau, or whare takaro, or play house, amusement house.
Such a meeting place was much patronised by young folk of both sexes, and they would there pass the evening in story telling, singing, dancing, and playing games, often joined by elderly persons. In the far north whare rehia was the name employed, while whare pakimairo seems to be a Taranaki name for such a place. Other names applied to it are whare matoro and whare ropa. Whare karioi appears to have an old Polynesian name for similar places.
In order to light the interior of houses at night, that is the larger houses wherein a number of people dwelt and wherein amusements were often indulged in at night and on stormy days, superior kinds of fuel were sought. The best for this purpose is said to have been the wood of the maire tree, both kinds being so used, the maire rau nui (large leaved maire) and maire rau ririki, Olea lanceolata and O. montana, or the tree with the small leaf, the former being looked maire trees growing at places well exposed to the sun are better for such fuel than those growing in more shaded places, the timber of the latter being more liable to smoke when burned. These woods were split into small pieces, an inch or so thick, and 2½ft. or 3ft. long, and stored in a house to dry out. A single stick of good maire will, if kindled at the top, continue to burn until consumed. For the purpose of lighting a house, a number of such pieces were tied together in several places with pieces of aka (climbing plants), so as to form a bundle perhaps five inches in diameter. This bundle was set upright in the takuahi or fireplace of the house and kindled at the top, whereon it burned with a steady, clear flame, and without smoke. It is said that one of these torches would burn all night, which probably means that it would do so as long as required, possibly until midnight. In large houses two or three such torches might be used at once for illumination. They are said to have needed no attention in the way of 'snuffing,' or knocking off of ashes, which latter statement may be doubtful. The foregoing is a Ngati-Porou contribution.
The following account of how visitors were occasionally entertained at night on the village plaza was collected by the late Mr. John White:—
In some cases entertainments were given on the
maraeor plaza of the village home. This would be done in cases where a considerable number of visitors had arrived and, as was customary, were entertained during the evening of the day of their arrival by the village. On succeeding evenings the visitors would join in the games, and also probably give an exhibition of posture dances, etc., for the benefit of their entertainers.
When such assemblies could not be held inside a house on account of there not being one sufficiently large for the purpose, it might be decided to hold the entertainment on the marae. This plaza, or open, level space, was illuminated for the occasion by means of fires or torches. The torches were of pitch pine, each composed of pieces of resinous heart wood, termed kapara or mapara, of the white pine (kahikatea) tied together to form a bundle. These were about four feet long and were stuck in the ground in a vertical position. These were lighted at the top and burned freely, albeit they required 'snuffing' at intervals. For this purpose a youth was stationed at each torch who, with a short stick, occasionally trimmed the torches by knocking off the burned part.
Such carefully arranged entertainments as required the above described arrangements were held on such occasions as the arrival of a party of invited visitors, or at the conclusion of peace making functions between two tribes, or sub-tribes. In Maoriland all matters affecting the people were arranged at meetings, and, according to the importance of the subjects to be discussed, a meeting might be a mere gathering of a whanau (family group), the folk of a single village, or an assembly of all the divisions of a tribe. Again, amusements entered largely into the proceedings of all assemblies of the people save those pertaining to active warfare, they were indulged in at meetings pertaining to birth, marriage, death, exhumation, crop planting, harvesting, fishing, hunting, peace making, and other matters. At all such gatherings were practised the pastimes of children, the diversions of youth, and often specially arranged contests. The writer has seen mourning ceremonial pertaining to death or exhumation being conducted on a village plaza, while young folk were indulging in various recreations hard by.
The marae, open space or plaza of a village, was a favoured place for the practise of games in fine weather, not only when visitors were being entertained, but also at all other times. At night, or on stormy days, some large house provided shelter and served as a whare rehia. At the same time the Maori has not the fear of the elements that we have; note what Colenso says in an account of his crossing the Ruahine range in winter, when he saw native children, naked to the four winds, gambolling in the snow.
The Maori did not formerly indulge in gambling in his games, but he did try to influence luck by the recital of charms, termed karakia, in games requiring skill. In some cases, as in the simple pastimes of the children, these so called karakia are mere jingle nonsense, but carry a rythmical lilt pleasing to the native ear.
Some native games were played by persons in a sitting position, others necessitated standing and considerable action. Native clothing consisted of two garments, a kilt or apron, and a cape or cloak. In many games the latter was so arranged as not to interfere with motions of the arms, or discarded, perhaps slipped down and folded round the waist, if the position of the wearer was a sitting one. It was owing to the frequent exposure of body and limbs that Maori mothers strove to produce symmetry of form in their offspring. Thus infants were subjected to a kind of massage, termed toto, in many cases, and this is said to have caused comeliness of form. In the case of girls, grace of action was believed to be learned by frequently practising certain recreations and excercises, such as posture dancing, and some others.
The encouragement given to such games as were looked upon as military exercises, or which made for agility and precision, was a marked feature of Maori life, and a factor that was noted in other groups by early writers. Thus Ellis tells us that spear throwing, the use of the sling, wrestling and boxing were all deemed military exercises at Tahiti. As to girls and young women, they were encouraged in practising certain exercises that were held to endow them with grace of action.
At first sight Maori recreations would appear to readily come under three separate headings:—Exercises; Games; Pastimes. On a closer examination, however, it is clearly seen that, in a number of cases, no specific line can be drawn between these divisions. An exercise may be practised merely for training purposes, as fitting the young men for bearing arms, it may be played as a game, or merely as a pastime. "Without the factor of success or failure," writes the author of The Handbook of Folk-lore, "plays are not games, but pastimes … but any simple pastime at once becomes a game by the addition of an element of contest." Thus swimming, jumping, running, etc., may be practised as either pastimes or games, or may be elevated to the dignity of exercises. All athletic games and pastimes were held to be useful exercises, as training youths for bearing arms in the future, the hand to hand combats of the Maori demanding not only strength and endurance, but also a high degree of agility, quickness of hand, body and eye. The term kaipara is a generic expression embracing all athletic games; para whakawai and whakahoro rakau denote trials of skill and training with weapons. Ahuareka and ngahau are applied to all recreations nowadays, having replaced the practically obsolete term rehia, which was more precise. Since the arrival of Europeans on these shores, the Maori tongue has deteriorated to a considerable extent, the precise phraseology and terminology, the punctilious observance of archaic forms and of refined, courtly diction, for which the old time rangatira was remarkable, have to a great extent disappeared.
The mode of classification of native games herein followed is an arbitrary one, but explanations are given throughout to show where one class infringes upon another, and the differing aspects of certain recreations, according to the manner in which they were conducted.
Military exercises and games viewed as useful training.
Under this head comes the careful and continued training of young men in the use of arms, a training that included the use of various weapons, both thrusting and striking, as also the committing to memory of a number of charms or ritual utterances that were held to be extremely effective. Some of these were to render weapons effective in combat, some to make a person fleet of foot in pursuit, or escape, some to retard the speed of a pursuing enemy, and so on. The Maori never lacked a charm to meet any situation. The most careful training was displayed in teaching the most useful art of karo, which term includes not only the parrying of weapons, but also the avoidance of them, the rapid movements of limbs, head and body that evaded thrust or blow, and which the Maori seems to have practised far more than true parrying.
This usage of practising the use of weapons is also known as whakahoro rakau and whakatu rakau. A practice duel or combat between two persons at such functions is a whakarite rakau, whereas a duel or single combat between enemies in wartime is described as a tau mataki tahi. Tatai rakau is equivalent to our expression 'to measure weapons.' These training lessons were carried out under the supervision of proved, experienced warriors, called Ika a Whiro, who taught the various methods of using native weapons, the manipulation of spear and striking implements, the guards, feints, thrusts and blows peculiar to each. Spear points appear to have been padded in these encounters, or at least in the preliminary stages of training.
One of the first lessons to be learned by a youth in this course of training was that which enabled him to detect slight muscular movements that betokened the delivery of thrust or blow by his adversary. He would be taught to keep his eyes fixed on the shoulder, or on the big toe of the advanced foot of his opponent, according to what weapons were being used. When, in so watching the big toe of the forward planted foot (wae whangai) he saw it suddenly clinch downward as though to grip the earth, he knew that action was about to be taken, and a blow or thrust delivered, thus he was prepared to parry or avoid the delivery, and possibly to deliver a blow ere his adversary could recover arms. It is said that, when two good spearsmen became warmly engaged, there was a constant clatter as the spear shafts met in rapid passes, feints and parries.
The following was contributed by Tuta Nihoniho, of the East Coast:—Boys engaged in mimic combats, a practice known as para whakawai, a company being divided into two parties for attack and defence. In this they were encouraged by their parents, as it taught them how to fight. Each child was armed with a korari, the flower stalk of the Phormium plant, which was used as a striking and thrusting weapon. In some cases wounds were inflicted even with these light and easily broken weapons, more often, perhaps, when used as a thrusting spear; in some cases, says Tuta—ka heke he toto— blood would flow. It sometimes occured that, when one or more were hurt, a quarrel would ensue, the children become roused and angry, and, casting away their light implements, they would obtain heavier sticks, or stones, and fight in earnest. This would bring the parents to interfere, who, in some cases, seeing their children hurt, would join in the fray, which brought parents of other children into it, until the adults would have a fight of their own, in which possibly some lives would be lost. Many serious affrays have so originated.
These combats among children were often held in the old days, and applause greeted one who put another out of action.
Spear throwing was not practised so much by the Maori of Zealand as it was by some other branches of the race in Polynesia. The Maori certainly used throwing spears, but not as a common usage in fighting, he preferred a hand to hand struggle, hence spear throwing was not looked upon as so important an exercise as those pertaining to the thrusting spear, the taiaha, the patu, etc. Training in this art commenced with the casting of the light, fragile culms of the toetoe (Pampas grass. Arundo conspicua). In using these frail darts lads learned the art of karo, so much practised by the Maori, the art of parrying and avoiding. At this they became remarkably karo, wherewith to ward off the spears. Some men despised the use of such an aid, however, and were most proficient in parrying spears with their hands. When several spears were thrown at a man in rapid succession, he employed three methods whereby to save himself,—avoidance, parrying, and catching. Thus he might avoid one launched spear by a rapid turn of his body, or leap, parry another, and catch a third in his hand.
In his Te Ika a Maui, the Rev. R. Taylor has the following:—"The paramako [para mako] consisted in throwing sharp pointed sticks at each other, and skilfully warding them off by turning the body away when they saw the dart coming. The para toetoe was more a harmless game. It consisted in throwing the reed like stalks of the toetoe [culms of Arundo conspicua], blunted, at each other. This was a boy's game." Youths practised the art of karo, parrying and dodging, in these dart throwing contests. Rods of mako wood were often used for the purpose, the ends of which were bruised so that no wound might be inflicted.
The late Mr. John White gave wewero toetoe as a name for the exercise of throwing toetoe culms, and describes it as follows:— "A game of casting and parrying reed darts. These reeds were often those of the toetoe-kiwi (Gahnia lacera). They were parried with another such stalk, or with a tao (wooden spear). A pair of players stood about fifty feet apart, and each had a certain number of darts. One of them threw all his darts at his opponent and then stood to receive the ones thrown at him. Great dexterity was displayed in such games, and it is said that some of the skilled men in former times used only the bare hand wherewith to parry spears.
In some of these contests a person would take a reed in each hand, cast one, and then throw the other ere the first one had reached his opponent. In such cases the latter would often parry one dart with his karo or parrying stick, and the other with his left hand."
In describing his visit to Taupo in 1844, Angas writes:—"The boys here also amuse themselves with throwing short spears, made of the stems of fern bound round at the extremity: these they throw with admirable precision at any given object, emulating each other in the nicety of their aim."
On the East Coast spear or dart throwing was often called Maka-maka rakau, and sometimes taumahekeheke, the former being a somewhat general term and the latter implying competition.
This exercise was viewed as excellent training for youths as well as a game. The darts used were straight stems of manuka, about six feet long, and perhaps 1 or l⅛in. in diameter. They were thrown overhand either at a mark or to see which could throw the furthest. Sometimes such darts, or fern stalks, were thrown underhand, a practice described by the word toro, while to throw overhand is timata.
The exercise of wrestling was a common practice among the natives in former times. It was known as whatoto, nonoke, and mamau or takaro mamau; Taylor records the name of takaro ringa-ringa. Takaro, as a noun means game or play, as a verb 'to play' or sport. Taylor remarks, "Wrestling is a very general amusement of young men, who pride themselves on their skill in throwing one another."
Young women occasionally took part in wrestling, we are told. Old Kurawha, of Maungapohatu, she who always greeted the writer with the quaint old salutation—"Ina na!" was a famous wrestler in her youth. In some cases one young man would wrestle two young women, but Kurawha was enough for any man to handle. She might be termed a good all-round man, for she shouldered a musket in the Mohaka raid, and she and Whaitiri (another Amazon) were two of the leading spirits in the vigorous rearguard action when Te Kooti retreated from Rotorua, pursued by Te Arawa under Tawa the Tireless.
The use of charms whereby to strengthen oneself for the contest, and also to weaken an adversary, was apparently common in wrestling bouts. Among the Tuhoe tribe, when a man was about to engage in such a contest, he would expectorate into his hand, close it, and repeat the following in order to acquire desired strength:—
Having repeated this effusion, he then opened his hand, and proceeded to recite a second charm whereby to weaken his adversary:—
The following charm is another employed by wrestlers and by those engaged in spear throwing competitions:—
This formula was used among the Ngati-Porou folk of the East Coast, who also gave the following as terms describing certain actions in wrestling:—
The Tuhoe folk employ the following terms:—
(The term rou denotes the out thrust leg.)
The following charm was one repeated by wrestlers on the East Coast, repeated quickly and silently just prior to clinching:—
Usually each man seems to have endeavoured to clasp his opponent under the arms. Quarrels and even serious affrays are said to have sometimes arisen out of wrestling contests.
Wrestling held an important place among exercises at Tahiti, where it had its own tutelar deity, and spectacular exhibitions were
Boxing was known as mekemeke and whawhai mekemeke. The Maori preferred to have a weapon in his hand when arguing with an adversary, but seems to have occasionally fought with his hands alone, possibly, however, only in family quarrels. The meke mode of boxing was the same as ours, striking with the clenched fist so as to hit with the knuckles, whereas the moto method implies striking with the closed fist so as to hit with the side of it, i.e., with the edge of the palm and the little finger. This latter method is said to have been used in quarrels with a near relative. It is not clear that actual boxing contests were held, though there is some evidence in favour of it, as Tuta informs us that the same charm was used in this exercise as that recited when wrestling, save that the word meke was inserted in place of mamau.
Boxing was practised by the natives of the Society Group, where it was called moto, or motora'a (motoranga). As in New Zealand, it was there looked upon as a minor exercise, and not practised to the extent that wrestling was. Ellis states that no sparring or parrying was done, but only straightforward punching blows, usually aimed at the head.
John Ledyard, who was a corporal of marines on the Resolution in Cook's third voyage, gives us a few observations on the art of boxing as practised by Polynesians. Describing an exhibition of such among the Tongans, he says:—"They had both hands clenched and bound round separately with small cords, which perhaps was intended to prevent their clenching each other when closely engaged, thus preventing foul play; or it may be to preserve the joints of their fingers, and especially the thumb, from being dislocated … They are very expert and intrepid in these performances."
Of the natives of the Society Group the same writer says:—"Their amusements are music, dancing, wrestling and boxing, all of which are like those of Tongatapu."
Again, in describing experiences at the Hawaiian Isles, Ledyard writes:—"The day was closed with gymnastic exercises, wrestling and boxing, ordered by the old king for the amusement of his guests."
Different forms of jumping were indulged in, and served both as an excercise and pastime. The general name for such was takaro tupeke in the north, while
Apart from running as a pastime, as practised by children, foot racing was practised by youths and young men. The most interesting form of this exercise was the running of long distance races. In such contests no swift running was done, the runners employing the singular bent knee trot so much practised by the barefooted Maori of former generations. Such races tax the powers of endurance rather than demand fleetness of foot. The writer was told of one such contest that took place between Te Teko and Te Whaiti, a distance of nearly fifty miles. In some cases it was arranged that the competitors should run to some distant place, and, on arrival there, each had to leave a mark at a certain spot, as by marking a tree, or depositing a stone, and then run back to the starting point.
Foot racing is known as omaoma and takaro omaoma. The style termed taupiripiri is one in which competitors run in pairs holding each other round the neck.
The game or excercise known in some districts as ti rakau was termed poi rakau by the Ngati-Porou of the East Coast, titi-touretua by the Tuhoe folk, and titi-tourea by northern tribes. Not only was it viewed as a game and useful exercise for lads and young men, but it was also practised by girls. In the latter case it was considered beneficial inasmuch as it tended to make young women active, adroit, lissome, for the performance of posture dances. This exercise is termed ti rakau on account of there being another game called, ti, which is played with the hands only, for which reason it was known as ti ringa. Thomson, in his Story of New Zealand, writes:—"The other game called ti is played with sticks three feet long, which are thrown by one party and caught by another. There are twenty players on each side, and the game is accompanied with songs."
Colenso has the following note on this game:—"Another manner of musical performance was by two persons standing about four feet apart, each holding a prepared rod of kaiwhiria wood, of the length and size of a walking stick; these sticks were thrown to and fro alternately, and gently and dexterously caught, but so that they
Descriptions given by Tuhoe natives differ from the above. Four sticks were used and care was taken to prevent them striking against each other when thrown. This game called for quickness of eye and hand. Among the Tuhoe folk it seems to have been played with short staves about two feet in length, the players being in a sitting position, a little space separating them. Four of these persons held each a stave, sometimes adorned with carved designs, in a perpendicular position before them, and swung them up and down in time with the cadence of a song, called a ngari titi-to-uretua, chanted by the performers. The players sat in the form of a circle and, at the repetition of certain words in the song, the holders of the staves threw them across the circle, there to be caught by others. There were different motions and ways of casting the staves, each change and movement being notified by certain words in the accompanying song. The implements must be thrown simultaneously; sometimes round the ring of players, at other times across the ring, but always each stave must be caught by a certain person, and by no other. At certain times they are swung, at others placed with the lower ends resting on the ground. The players often, perhaps usually, assume a kneeling position.
Mr. John White describes yet another mode of playing this game, which, with the poi, he says are attributed to one Ruahine:—"The game consisted of the throwing of a piece of wood by one player to be caught by another. These sticks were pieces of whau wood ornamented with carving. The players stand in two rows facing each other and about ten feet apart. The man at one end of a row throws the stick to the man opposite him, who throws it back to No. 2, i.e., the man next the first thrower. It is thus thrown across the space, to and fro, to the end of the line. Anyone who fails to catch it must step out of the ranks. This goes on until all have made a miss save the lone survivor, who thus wins the game. Such a game may last a day or several days, or even for months, played at intervals, ere all but one have missed a catch. It is played in the winter season." Here the word 'months' means occasional meetings during such period.
But the form of this game most highly prized as an exercise was that practised among the Ngati-Porou folk, and known to them as poi rakau. This method resembled dart throwing, and was a semi-military exercise of great benefit to those soon to be called upon to putahi or middle of the ring. Each of the tukunga, or persons forming the ring, has a stick about three feet long in his hand. These sticks are pieces of mako (Aristotelia racemosa), a, very light wood when seasoned, and are ornamented with the tawatawa method or design, that is by stripping off its bark, then winding a strip of that bark spirally round the stick from one end to the other, and then charring slightly the intermediate spaces between the spiral turns, thus leaving the stick ornamented with a black and white spiral design, when the strip of bark is taken off again. This tawatawa design took its name from the anuhe tawatawa, or striped caterpillar.
These sticks were thrown by the performers in the ring at the man in the putahi, who had to, or endeavoured to, catch every one thrown. The ends of the sticks were pointed, and they were often thrown at him end on, that is darted (wero) at him like spears, thus he had to be extremely nimble in order to catch them. He was not allowed to move from the middle of the ring, but no one might throw the sticks at him from behind his back. As he caught the sticks, he at once threw them to some stickless member of the circle, to be caught by him. The putahi, or catcher, or base keeper, often had to catch two sticks at once. The performers in the circle threw their sticks one after another, a director standing outside the circle acted as instructor and directed the movements as to throwing, etc., and the sticks were thrown in time to the lilt of the song chanted by the performers. The following is one of the songs sung during this singular performance:—
II
Such is one of the peculiar jingles repeated by the performers of the ti rakau. It is not possible to render it into English, except perhaps by persons having the slimmest knowledge of the Maori tongue. To many of the expressions our native friends can assign no meaning—if they ever had any meaning. This is the haka sung by Ngati-Ira at Pakau-rangi, what time they jeered at Tawhiu-pari, and brought the war dogs of Porou on their trail, to be followed by the long drawn agonies of the Puweru-maku siege, the tragedy of the Wetted Garments, when the dying children sucked the moisture from the clothing of their parents who had fought their way through the investing force to wet those garments in the stream.
As the performers of ti rakau sang this song, they held their sticks upright in their hands, and moved them up and down in time with the peculiar metre of the song. This exercise was deemed an excellent training for youths, inasmuch as they had to catch the pointed wooden sticks darted at them as, in a few years, they would be compelled to catch or parry the spears of enemies in battle.
The Arawa folk of Rotorua have recalled this old diversion of their forbears during the past few years as shown in Fig. 2 (see p. 33). The following couplets were sung by women of that place when indulging in the game. The last two lines are very modern, and we have much better ngari tititoure than this. As the players commence they repeat together the words, "Tahi, rua, toru," and then commence to chant the time song. One player has no sticks, the others are provided with two each, which they hold in an upright position one in either hand. These sticks are thrown one at a time, the first throw being, of course, to the player who is not provided with sticks. They are deftly caught, and at certain parts of the song are clashed together by the performers.
The sticks used in above game were 22 inches in length, as observed by the writer.
It is a well-known fact that the Polynesian was, in many places, much given to the use of the sling in war. Many writers have told us how great a reliance was placed upon the sling by the natives of the Society and Cook Groups, which branches of the race are closely related to the Maori of New Zealand. We also know that carefully rounded sling stones are found in many of those islands, and some were found at Sunday Island, Kermadec Group. It is therefore surprising to hear so little of the sling in local tradition here, where it is never mentioned as one of the weapons used in fights of bygone days. The whip-thrown spear is occasionally mentioned in such traditions, but not the stone sling; neither are any fashioned sling stones found here. We know that these islands were settled by immigrants from the Society Group in past times; did those immigrants discard the sling on their arrival here?
Some natives now living, and others of the last generation, have stated that the sling was used here to some extent in former times, as in the attack or defence of a pa (fortified village), but such statements are doubtful. Similar statements are made concerning the bow and arrow by present day natives. If the sling was used in war by the Maori, it must have been only to a limited extent, and even that much is doubtful. Its use as a pastime or game is another matter.
Names for the sling given by natives are kotaha, maka, and tipao. The first of these is also applied to the whip by means of which spears were thrown, and also to another apparatus for throwing stones, in which a bent rod was the propelling agent.
Tuta Nihoniho has explained that the sling used for stone throwing on the East Coast was called tipao or kotaha, that it was used by lads as a pastime, and also, he believed, in attacking a village. It was on account of the use of these implements, as well as whip-thrown spears and hand-thrown stones, that protective breast works were constructed on the fighting stages of a fortified village. Two kinds of sling were used in throwing stones; one which had a woven or plaited receptacle for the stone in the middle of the cord, and another in which the stone was placed in a cradle resembling a sheepshank formed in the middle of the cord.
Among Ngati-Porou the name of tipao was applied, not only to the sling for throwing stones, but also to the following contrivance employed by children:—A short stick was stuck into some soft object, such as a potato, and a cord fastened by one end to the projecting end of this stick, and by the other end to a stick used as a handle or whip. The throwing was done in the same way as in casting the whip-thrown spear, by a quick jerk forward that cast the object a considerable distance.
The childish pastime of kakere consisted of thrusting a pointed stick into some soft object, and then 'flirting' it off, by which means such a missile as a potato may be thrown a considerable distance.
These East Coast folk also applied the name of tipao to another stone-throwing implement, described as follows:—A pole of green
titoki (Alectryon excelsum) was thrust butt down into the ground, and a cord fastened to its upper end, which was then bent over considerably, and held in that position by a person grasping the cord, as seen in Fig. 3 (p. 35). On the face of the bent pole a stone was held by one who kept it in position with his fingers, but with his hand behind the pole. At a signal, the cord holder released the cord, and the released spring pole cast the stone forward with much force. This was used by youths in sport.
The whip-thrown spear, termed kopere, whiuwhiu, and tarerarera, was not only employed as a weapon, but also lads used rude darts or rods, thrown in a similar way—by way of sport. The butt end of the dart was thrust into the earth in a slanting manner, so that the point was two feet or more above ground. (See Fig. 4, p. 37.) The kotaha, or whip, consisted of a straight rod with a short cord attached to one end. The free end of this cord was wound round the spear or dart in a peculiar manner, but not tied or made fast in any way. The manipulator grasped the rod handle in both hands, and, with a vigorous forward sweep plucked the dart from the earth and hurled it forward. As the dart passed the whip or cord the latter became released, while the dart flew forward on its flight. Mr. Percy Smith, in his account of an attack on the Otakanini pa, states that great numbers of rude spears were so cast into the besieged place by men stationed on a hill 150 yards distant.
Darts were thrown in a similar way by the natives of the Sandwich Islands, though Fornander only mentions the practice as a game. He remarks:—"Its use being with a short string so affixed as to detach itself as it was jerked from the ground for its flight."
Ellis tells us that the use of the stone throwing sling was common at Tahiti, where lads practised it as a military exercise. He says:— "The most dangerous missile was the stone from the ma'a (Maori maka) or sling. The latter was prepared with great care … having a loop to fasten it to the hand at one end, and a wide receptacle for the stone in the centre … The slingers were powerful and expert marksmen."
It seems probable that the stone-casting sling seen in use by persons of Tuta's generation was made known to the Maori by Europeans. Men of that generation are always liable to error, as in maintaining that certain implements, practices, etc., were pre-European, when, as a matter of fact, they had been introduced by early European visitors, traders, etc. We have an illustration of this in the case of the pump drill which certain old natives of the present time maintain was used here prior to the coming of Europeans, of which there is no reliable evidence. The kind used by Maori is the European form
Now we cannot be surprised at this attitude of natives towards introduced implements, etc. Not only had men of Tuta's generation seen such things from their earliest childhood, but, in many cases, the same might be said of their fathers. A native now about 65 years of age gave me an account of certain fighting that took place ten generations ago in the Waikato district, but he assuredly erred when he introduced pigs into his tale. Again, I was remarking to a native on the absence of the syllables wo and wu in the Maori tongue, whereupon he said:—"But we always say 'Wo' when we want a horse to stop!"
The use of the stone-throwing sling as a weapon is not referred to in native traditions, and it is very doubtful if it was employed by the Maori of New Zealand. We do know that they used the whip cast spear, and also cast burning brands and heated stones into besieged villages by means of a cord attached to them. Further than this we cannot safely go.
Stone throwing by hand was also practised by the Maori, not only as a game and exercise by lads, but also in warfare. Heaps of stones were kept on the high pitched puwhara or fighting stages that projected from the defences of a village, or were secured to the inner sides of stockades. Such weapons were most effective when hurled from such a point of vantage on an enemy force endeavouring to me a ratau tokotoko, me a ratau manuka kanoi, me a ratau pukoro kohatu hei whakaruru ki te taua nei,' which presumably should be rendered as—with their spears, and their manuka darts, and their bags of stones to cast at the war party. I cannot see any satisfactory evidence that slings were used by the Maori to cast stones in his old time fights.
Stone throwing by lads was sometimes practised near a tree, each one endeavouring to eclipse his companions in high throwing, the tree serving as a basis of measurement. The long throw was probably a common form, all competitors using the same stone, which was thrown overhand, the distance being marked with a stick. This exercise was known as kai makamaka on the East Coast, a name that might be applied to any throwing game.
Boys threw stones at each other and had to learn to avoid such missiles. In former times boys were trained to be ruthless, and to
Climbing was also viewed as a desirable exercise, and trees were often plentiful enough in the vicinity of native settlements. In some cases a branchless sapling, such as those of the kahika (Podocarpus dacrydioides), was brought from the forest and set up as a climbing post, the climbers practising both with and without the foot cord, a loop in which the feet were inserted. These foot cords were called toeke, taparenga and tamaeke. Ellis and Wilkes both record having seen this foot loop used by natives in Tahiti. See Fig. 5 (p. 38).
The Maori of New Zealand, like unto his Polynesian brethren, was absolutely and thoroughly at home in the water. He practised surf riding, with and without boards, as also in small canoes, as did the Hawaiians and others. He was a remarkably fine swimmer and infinitely superior to Europeans in the water, as a rule. I have seen a Maori swim across a flooded river nearly half a mile across, when it was in a state that no white man probably on the island would have faced. Native children take to the water like the proverbial duck, and when very young. This is, however, not so much in evidence as it used to be, on account of the adoption of European clothing and habits, including attendance at schools. In former times children ran naked to the four winds, and recked not of any trammels. The Maori knew four different methods of swimming, though, apparently he principally confined himself to the side stroke.
Kau tahoe. The side stroke. This is the favoured method and deemed the best in swimming long distances.
Kau apuru. The breast stroke. Considered an inferior mode. Ka ki te puku o tena tangata i te wai (The stomach of that person will be filled with water). Not suitable for a long swim, or for swimming in rough water.
Kau tawhai. The overhand stroke. A swift method for a short distance.
Kau kiore. Swimming on the back.
Swimming races (Kau whakataetae) in the different methods were, of course, extremely popular with young folk, both sexes bathing together without any extra amount of worry. Maori children and young folk generally were extremely fond of jumping from a height into deep water, a practice still seen in some places, but not as it was of yore. This exercise is termed ruku, usually rendered as 'diving' by us, but the Maori never dived head first as do we. He jumped in feet first, and when in the water and wishful to descend, he swam downwards. Many places have been pointed out to the a (p. 41) is an illustration of this pastime.
The aborigines of Queensland practise this exercise of jumping from a height into deep water, always descending feet first. Possibly it represents the early form of diving, practised by the more primitive peoples.
Maori children seem to take to the water as though it was their natural element, and, under favourable circumstances, learn to swim about as soon as they can walk. Small rafts were sometimes made for children, which they poled or paddled.
Floats (poito) were sometimes fastened to a child when learning to swim. Matured gourds were placed on an elevated stage to dry, but no holes were made in them for extraction of the contents, which amounted to little when dried. The gourds were then placed in nets and secured to the child by means of cords, or, in some cases, such a gourd float (poito hue) was merely clasped to the breast with one arm, while the other was used to swim with, as some of us learned to swim by so using a kerosene tin. Apparently, however, this was no common practise.
In speaking of Maori children, Dieffenbach says:—"Near the sea or the lakes they acquire the art of swimming almost before they are able to stand upright."
A favourite pastime of native children is that called taurumaki, taururumaki, and taurumakimaki which consists of ducking each other in the water, the aim being to keep one under as long as possible, by no means a pleasant experience for the submerged one.
When living in the hill country the writer has often admired the dexterity and apparent ease with which natives crossed swift, turbulent flooded creeks by means of treading water. Maintaining an upright position, and taking a slanting course downstream, they literally walked the waters, the swift current bearing them onward. The tuwhana or grip pole was also used in crossing rivers.
This form of recreation was a common practice throughout Polynesia, and one much indulged in, more so in the warm northern climes than in New Zealand. On our own shores three forms were practised, viz., with and without a board, and also in small canoes termed kopapa, a name which seems properly to belong to the surf board. This board appears to have been called a moki in the north, a name also applied to rude floats formerly used in crossing rivers. The following notes on surf riding were contributed by the late Tuta Nihoniho, of the East Coast: The sport of surf riding seems to have been often called kopapa on the East Coast of the North Island, a name taken from the item used to ride on, whether canoe or plank. The canoe used for surf riding, and styled a kopapa, was a small one, of which more anon. The board, or piece of plank (also kopapa) so often used in this sport was about three feet long. Having gone out as far as necessary for the purpose, the performer threw himself lengthways on his board with his two hands grasping the front end thereof, just as a large, healthy wave overtook him. On this wave the rider was shot ashore to be left on the sandy beach by the receding wave, whereupon he would go out again to ride another in. This sport was indulged in by both youths and adults, including females, and one might see thirty or forty riders coming in together on a big wave. Sometimes a performer dispensed with the board and rode in on the wave with his arms stretched out before him.
The term kopapa is also applied to surf riding in small canoes which contained two, or perhaps three, persons. These small craft were taken out seaward for some distance, and then, as a big wave approached, the men paddled strongly shoreward, the advancing wave lifting the canoe and carrying it swiftly to the beach. It is not allowed to mount the crest of the wave, or the small craft would probably capsize; it is kept in front of the crest, riding the breast of whakarerere, was a common pastime on the East Coast in summer time, in former days. Tuta Nihoniho remarks that the last time he indulged in this sport, he and two companions were being swept in shoreward in grand style, with the bow of the canoe well down and its stern high on the swelling front of a big wave, when its bow struck an unseen rock, with amazing and instantaneous results. The bow was smashed up, the rushing wave caught the canoe, hurled the stern upwards, and completely over, end for end. Meanwhile diverse members, to wit three, of the descendants of Porou, were flying through space, and vaguely wondering what had hit them, and what part of New Zealand they were going to drop on.
In Vol. Xxxii. of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, p. 35, Mr. W. H. Skinner has given us an interesting account of surf riding in small canoes, as witnessed by him at Mokau in 1884.
The surf board used by the Hawaiians, is according to Ellis, generally five or six feet long, rather more than a foot wide, sometimes flat, but more frequently slightly convex on both sides. He remarks:—"The greatest address is necessary in order to keep on the edge of the wave; for if they get too far forward, they are sure to be overturned, and if they fall back, they are buried beneath the succeeding billow."
The same writer gives an account of surf riding as practised at Tahiti, where it is called fa'ahe'e (Maori whakaheke) and horue, a word which recalls Maori horua, a toboggan sled, the holua of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Isles. Surf riding was also practised at Tonga, Samoa, and many other islands.
In his "Melanesians and Polynesians" the Rev. G. Brown remarks as follows concerning Samoan surf swimmers:—"They were very proud of the fact that they never use a surf board in those dangerous breakers. They kept themselves on the crest of the wave by a backward or forward movement of their hands."
The Maori ever strove to so train children that they would have no fear of the water, he encouraged them to practise all forms of aquatic excercises. It was stated many years ago by an old Maori that certain folk tales and myths, such as that concerning Hine-popo
Many remarks were made by early voyagers in the Pacific on the swimming powers of Polynesians, and, in later times, natives captured by slavers have been known to leap overboard, when far out of sight of their island home, and start to swim back to it. Commodore Byron remarked on the apparent ease with which natives swam ashore from his vessel without using their arms for that purpose, but to hold out of the water certain presents they had received. M. Labillardiere, historian of the D'Entrecasteaux expedition, describes the swimming of a native at Tongatapu, as seen in 1793:— "We admired the facility with which he executed all his movements. He swam constantly on the belly, his neck being entirely out of water, and making very short strokes with his left hand, which he kept constantly before him, while he gave a great spread to his right hand, which he carried to the thigh on the same side at every stroke. The body was at the same time a little inclined to the left, which increased the rapidity with which it cut the water. I never saw a European swim with such confidence, or with such speed."
Another form of aquatic pastime was that of jumping into the water from a plank or flatted sapling fixed in a slanting position and extending out over deep water. There is no evidence to show that it served as a springboard; it was apparently too thick for that purpose; it merely provided a good point of vantage from which to leap where no high perpendicular bank was available. Fig. 7 (p. 46) shows the form of these structures. This exercise or pastime was known as kokiri. As a rule this runway consisted of a stout sapling, one end of which rested on the bank, and the other, considerably elevated, on a post, or crosspiece between two high posts, at or near the water's edge. Taylor, of Te Ika a Maui fame, simply says:— Kokiri. Pole; flattened on the top for a person to stand on, and inclined over deep water; a favourite amusement to run up to the top, and then jump into the water. Elsewhere he remarks:—Kokiri is jumping from a pole into deep water: before doing so the person repeats:—
The following extract from Brodie's New Zealand explains the mode of procedure in this exercise:—"Over the edge of the Roto-iti lake there projected a pole, raised by a strong post in the lake to an angle of thirty degrees from the level of the water. This raised pole, I was informed, was for a native exercise called kokiri. With women and children the kokiri is a famous amusement. The boys and girls stark naked, and the women with only a rough garment round the loins, run up the pole as ready as monkeys. Having reached the end, which is flattened to form a standing place, they make a momentary stay, and then jump down into the water from a height of twenty feet, swimming directly back and reascending the pole for another jump. Each follows the other pretty briskly, and in this way they keep up the exercise till they are tired of it."
Among some tribes this exercise is called morere, and perhaps also moari, though the latter seems to properly apply to the 'giant strides.' The following extract from Wade's observations of 1838 shows whence friend Brodie obtained his information, though he moved the scene to the Roto-iti.
W. R. Wade, in his Journey in the Northern Island of New Zealand, describes the form of morere that may be compared with our spring board, as having been seen by him on the shores of Rotorua, in 1838:—"There projected over the water a pole, raised by a strong post in the lake to an angle of 25 or 30 degrees from the level of the water, the outer and higher end of the pole being finished off underneath with an indecent piece of carving. This raised pole, we were informed, was for the exercise of a native sport, and called by the several names of moari, kokiri and morere. With women and children the morere is a famous amusement. Some of them good naturedly gave us an example of the sport. The boys and girls stark naked,
The kokiri was also practised by the Tahitians. Ellis says that a kind of stage was erected near the margin of a deep part of the sea, or stream, from which the people jumped. The children were specially fond of this diversion.
This was by no means always an aquatic exercise, but, if a suitable place existed near a village, the Maori preferred to erect his moari staff at the edge of a lake or river where performers could, by releasing their hold on the ropes, drop into deep water. Angas, writing in the forties, remarks:—"The moari or native swing is an
kahikatea pine, is erected in the centre of an open space adjoining the village; flax ropes are suspended from the top, and, holding on to these, the natives swing themselves round and round, in a similar manner to that which is practised in gymnasia and at country fairs in Europe."
The Rev. R. Taylor gives us the following in Te Ika a Maui:— "Morere or moari:—This is a lofty pole, generally erected near a river, from the top of which about a dozen ropes are attached; the
The giant's stride was termed morere by the Ngati-Porou folk. The pole was set up in a slanting position, not upright. In order to prevent the ropes twining round the post, the upper ends of them were secured to a takaore, a stout rope ring that acted as a swivel, and which rested on a shoulder formed on the top of the post. This ring kept revolving round the post as the players ran round the base holding on to the ropes. If the swivel was used it is not clear why the pole was not set upright.
The cliff-head jumping places were sometimes named after people, as Te Moari a Rangi-tauaha in the Ngati-Porou district.
In Maori myth the game of morere is said to have been first learned from persons known collectively as Ngati-Peketua, who were the offspring of Kewa and Huruhuru. They were a folk covered with hair, even from their birth, and were an extremely unruly and dishonest people, a mischievous and thieving folk.
In the following description, published by the late Colonel McDonnell, a different way of attaching the ropes to the staff is mentioned, but no form of swivel is described. There are several methods by means of which the winding of ropes round the staff might have been prevented, but European observers have left us no details as to which were adopted.—"A favourite pastime of the Maori folk in the good old days was the moari, or swing, formed by placing a long tapering ricker or spar firmly on some rising ground, and sometimes for a love of peril, on the brink of a precipice. A number of ropes, according to the size of the spar, were fastened to the top of it, one below the other, at intervals of a foot, from which the people would swing, grasping the ropes in their hands and then running swiftly round and swinging off into the air over the sloping ground, river, or cliff, as the case might be. Then, as each person alighted, the spar being relieved from the weight, springs more erect, causing the individuals yet revolving in the air to be lifted higher with a jerk, and experiencing a feeling as if the ropes were being dragged out of their hands.
Serious accidents used to occur … I once saw a Maori sent spinning through the air from a sixty feet moari, and disappear through the tops of some puriri trees. He was not killed, but he could not bear us to touch him, as many of his bones were broken."
The Colonel also mentions a ten-rope moari that overhung a rocky chasm: A great feast was given at the settlement where this swing stood, and which, on this occasion, was handsomely decorated with
Among the Ngati-Porou folk giant striders chanted the following as they swung round:—
This was so timed that, at the repetition of the final word, each player was in the position where he released his grip on the rope and dropped into the waters below.
The moari, like many other Maori games and pastimes, is mentioned in old myths and folk tales. It appears in the story of Miru and Kewa, as given in Vol. 5 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, at p. 117. At p. 191 of the same volume is a note by the Rev. W. W. Gill on a form of moari used in the Hervey Group (Cook Islands), where it is known by the same name. In those isles the ropes used were long, green vines, one end of which was secured to the crown of a tall cocoanut palm, and the lower end was knotted so as to admit of a strong stick being inserted. On this cross stick the swinger sat, holding on to the vine with his hands, and swung himself to a great height. This form in which the swinger sat on a crosspiece was apparently known in New Zealand, as shown by Mr. Nairn.
In the hamlets of hill tribes, such as Tuhoe, the moari were often erected on any suitable area of flat ground at or near the village, for, in many cases, no stream with deep pools was available. On the shores of Waikare Moana, a fine mountain lake, however, the waterside moari was used, one such formerly stood at Kirikiri. The staff was so set up as to incline somewhat over the water. Tuhoe natives assert that the ends of the ropes were secured to a loose cap of timber on the top of the staff, which cap revolved as performers swung round, hence the ropes did not twist round the staff. The performers grasped the rope firmly with both hands and, keeping the rope taut, ran swiftly round the land side of the staff, gaining considerable momentum as they ran, until they swung out into space over the bluff head. When each performer, in the course of his aerial flight, came well out over deep water, he released his grasp on the rope, and dropped feet first into the water below. On reaching the surface again, each person swam out of the way of succeeding jumpers.
In places where performers leaped into water from a bluff head without the aid of a moari, they would, if the ground was level, take a short run prior to jumping. Occasionally accidents occurred in
We have seen that, in the case of a moari being erected near deep water, and serving as a sort of substitute for a springboard, the performers followed one another in their daring leaps. When, however, the staff was set up away from the water, and used merely as a 'giant stride' apparatus, the ropes were, in at least some districts, of different lengths, and the performers all swept round the circle together. The person holding the shortest rope was, of course, the innermost performer, running on the smallest circle, while he who had the longest rope took the outermost place, and the periphery of the play ground. This position was looked upon as the place of honour, as it called for a much higher rate of speed and considerable powers of endurance to enable the performer to keep abreast of the performer on the shortest rope near the staff.
When dwelling within the sylvan vale of Rua-tahuna, the writer was aware that, in former times, a moari named Tama-te-ngaro had stood at Kiritahi, and another, named Tara-kai-korukoru, at Mana-tepa, a fortified village hard by on the Mana-o-rongo creek, each of which swings was provided with eight ropes. In mentioning these swings one day, a native casually remarked: "They were erected in order to avenge the death of our people slain at Mana-tepa." The peculiarity of this remark induced the writer to make enquiries, which opened up another phase of the extraordinary mental processes of uncultured people. It was in this wise: In the forties of last century a slight unpleasantness developed between the Tawhaki and Urewera divisions of the Tuhoe tribe, both of whom dwelt in this valley. Early one morn, the Urewera marched on Mana-tepa and fired a volley into the village, killing several of the Tawhaki clan. The assailants, firm in their belief that discretion should ever accompany valour, then decided to leave for foreign parts, hence they marched down the Whakatane river, and settled, far from war's alarms, at Ruatoki. Presumably the Tawhaki clan did not consider itself strong enough to seek revenge at the point of the spear, or the muzzle of a flint lock musket, hence its members decided to equalise matters by means of one of those singular procedures that mark the Maori character, and which puzzle the European enquirer.
Said old Paitini:—"Our people were much concerned over this matter. The death of their relatives grieved them. Then the desire grew, and from the desire sprang the thought: we would avenge moari, Tama-te-ngaro and Tara-kai-korukoru. Then was composed a song to be chanted by the swingers when whirling round the staffs. And this should be our revenge for the death of our friends. No! Of course it was not blood vengeance, or even a real equivalent for our loss; it was simply to dispel our grief and end the brooding over the trouble, hence it was looked upon as avenging or equalising matters." In this performance all eight ropes of a moari were manned, and all performers and onlookers would chant the first verse:—
As the final word was sung, all the performers commenced rushing round the staff, each gripping his rope, their speed rapidly increasing. When they at length stopped, the whole party then sang the second stanza:—
Again the performers swung round their circular course as before' and, on halting, the third and final stanza was chanted:—
Presumably Te Hiri whakamau is a personal name, but concerning this, as also the last lines, no explanation was obtainable. This singular performance may be compared to another usage connected with humming tops, to be described later on. These performances may be viewed as connected with mourning for the dead, and in such observances the Maori indulged in actions quite foreign to us. Primitive man connected dancing and chanting with all his more important functions, and these customs have come down through the changing ages to the neolithic Maori, who mourns for his dead with singing, wailing, much weeping, and certain forms of haka. For of old it was said—By tears and lamentations alone may a natural death be avenged.
A reference to the moari in Maori myth, is seen in the story of the ascent of Whiro to the heavens. Tane and Whiro, both offspring of the Sky Parent and Earth Mother, strove to ascend to the Toi o moari. Whiro did not succeed in reaching the twelfth heaven, but had to return, while Tane succeeded in his attempt. Thus Tane, who represents Light, the male principle, and fertilising power, defeated Whiro, who represents Darkness, evil, and death, and Whiro ever dwells in the underworld, and wages war against Tane of the world of light.
"Ko te ara i haere ai a Whiro-te-tipua kia eketia e ia nga rangi tuhaha, ko te ara tiatia, ko te ara taepa, ko te ara moari rangi; kaore a Whiro i eke ki te Toi o nga rangi, ka hoki iho. Ko te koiwi o tenei ara o Whiro i te ao nei, koia te moari e moaritia nei, ko te aka tarewa e tarewa noa na i te whanga, i runga i te rakau na."
In a letter to a friend written by Mr. F. E. Nairn, in 1894, he condemns the illustration of the morere or moari given by White, and observes:—"You will observe on the mo-a-rere [?] only one person flies at a time, and he sits upon a cross stick tied to the end of the long rope; sometimes a companion will seat himself astride the knees of the one sitting on the stick. The shorter rope is swung upon by all those who can get hold of it, and the pole bent over. These people, when the word "Tukua!" is given, let go the rope they hang upon. The pole springs up straight, and then bends over towards the flyer, and so continues until it stops quite straight, and the person swinging stops also. When the person sitting on the cross stick has his rope out as far as it will reach, and finds that he can only touch the ground with his toes, he shouts "Tukua!" and flies straight out over the cliff, flying round several times in succession, each flight round the pole becoming shorter, until at last he lands close to the pole."
Evidently there were several forms of the moari apparatus, and several modes of manipulation. The above writer had apparently seen only a form in which one, or at most, two persons used the swing at the same time, and these rode on a short cross-bar secured to the lower end of the rope. This may have been a local custom in the Hawkes' Bay district, where Mr. Nairn resided for many years. Other local writers do not mention the attached cross-bar as pertaining to the moari, though it was used in connection with the tarere or bush swing in some places. Mr. Nairn also alludes to a practice that is not made quite clear. A number of people bent the top of the pole over by hanging on to a second rope, then suddenly released it. This act caused the top of the pliant pole to oscillate to and fro, but of what advantages was this to the performer flying his circular course?
Apart from this peculiar manipulation there appear to have been certain differences noted by early writers. In some cases the pole was set up in a leaning position so that apparently the swingers did not move round the pole, but described a circle on one side of it. When they ran round the pole the ropes would become enwrapped round it if no form of swivel was employed. Colonel McDonnell describes above yet another form in which a number of ropes were secured to the upright pole one below the other, about a foot apart.
All forms of canoeing were much appreciated by young folk, and both sexes learned the use of the paddle in youth. Children manipulated small canoes, and a capsize merely added to their enjoyment. Whaka hoehoe and whakatere waka denote canoe racing, paddling and sailing. Paddling races created much enthusiasm, closely contested ones caused intense excitement, as some of our old settlers remember, for Maori canoe races were, in the earlier years of European settlement, a common feature at local sports meetings. Such harbours as those of Wellington and Auckland have been the scene of some spirited contests in past years. When the annual regatta was held at Port Nicholson numbers of natives were wont to attend, and a canoe race was usually a prominent feature. In his Sixty Years in New Zealand, Mr. A. H. Blake describes such a race in these waters, when two waka taua (war canoes) adorned with carved work, paint and feathers, were paddled by full crews from Te Aro beach to Nga Uranga, round a flag boat, and back to the starting point. One canoe was under the command of Wi Tako, the other, that of Honiana Te Puni, and the former, came in the winner amid the frantic yells of the assembled natives, while, as the canoe took the beach, the crew leaped out and performed a furious dance with the wildest enthusiasm.
The word kaipara was employed whereby to denote a contest, as in the expression kaipara waka hoehoe, a canoe paddling contest. Whakataetae means 'to contend', as also does tauwhainga.
This game is known to the natives by the names of ruru, koruru, kai makamaka, ti kai and tutukai. Its range is world-wide, and it was widely practised in the isles of the Pacific in pre-European times; early voyagers speak of the dexterity displayed by natives in playing it. The late Mr. White has a note to the effect that the stones were caught on the back of the hand, as we have seen schoolboys do, but that is only one stage or phase of the game. The game was not confined to children here, adults also indulged in it. Polack writes:— "Several old men were stretched at full length playing with round pebbles the primitive schoolboy game known to vulgar ken as 'up the spout.' Presumable this was our koruru.
The following description of the game was written by Mr. John White. It mentions fifteen pebbles 'as big as a shilling' being used, but a player must have possessed a somewhat large hand to accommodate them all. Five is the usual number employed.
This game is played with fifteen pebbles about as big as a shilling, round and flat, These were thrown up one by one with the right hand and caught with the same hand. In this wise: A single pebble was thrown up and, while it was in the air, another pebble was snatched from the heap of such in front of the player, and held in the hand while catching the descending stone. Then the two pebbles were thrown up, another snatched up and the descending two caught. Hence the player, at each stage of the game, had one more pebble to throw up and to catch, all actions being performed with the right hand only. In many cases a player failed to catch one or more of the descending pebbles when the higher numbers were reached, or failed to grasp a pebble from the ground quickly enough. It called for great dexterity and quickness in the player to continue the game successfully until all fifteen pebbles were so caught without mishap.
Mr. White calls the game tutukai, and states that the following jingle was sung by players:
This is one of the apparently meaningless but rhythmical jingles beloved of native children, and by no means unknown among ourselves. It appears to have been used in connection with some other games.
An East Coast native remarks that the game was an ancient native usage, and that the various stages were known as huripapa, koropu, kaparoa, and kai makamaka. The following descriptions given by Tuta Nihoniho differs somewhat in the order of these names; the third is omitted and no special name is assigned to the second stage:—
This game is termed Kai makamaka among the East Coast natives. Five stones are used, and, in the first movement, or koropu, the performer places four stones in the form of a square on the ground thus—
and retains the fifth stone in his hand. He then throws up the one in his hand, snatches up No. 1 (with the same hand) and places it in the centre of the square, then catches the descending stone with the same hand. He then throws it up again, moves No. 3 to centre, and again catches the descending stone, then the same process is gone through to move Nos. 2 and 4. He then throws up the one stone again, snatches up the bunched four, and catches the descending stone in the same hand. Here ends the first, koropu, as it is termed.
In the second act the same process is repeated, save that two stones are snatched up and placed in the centre ere the descending stone is caught. And so endeth the second koropu.
The third stage of the game is called huripapa, in which all five stones are thrown up and caught on the back of the hand, or as many as possible. If, say, two are so caught, and three fall off, then the three are placed together, one is thrown up, the three snatched up, and the descending one caught.
The fourth stage, termed kai makamaka, is performed by putting four stones in separate places; then the fifth is thrown up, one snatched up, and descending one caught. Then the two are thrown up, another snatched, the descending two caught; then three thrown up, another snatched, and so on until all are caught in the hand, if the performer be smart enough.
Among the Tuhoe folk of the interior of the North Island the game is known as ruru. It is played with five small round stones, one of which is marked so that it can be readily distinguished from the other four. This stone is called the hai and is looked upon as the principal one, the leader of the game. Sets of stones for this game were, in some cases, carefully made, chipped into a round form, and then bruised with a stone hammer until they presented a fair even surface. Old men would so prepare a set for their young relatives. In former times, i.e., in pre-European days, contests in this stone catching game were held, and occasionally the young folk of one village would challenge those of another to such a trial of skill. In these contests much interest was displayed, and they were the cause of social meetings whereat other games might be practised. Young men were eager to excel in the various games, that they might be admired by women. The number of players might be anything from two to ten.
The first stage of the Tuhoe game is as follows:—First the player takes all five stones in his right hand, throws them up, then, quickly reversing his hand, endeavours to catch as many as possible of the descending stones on the back thereof.
The next act is the takitahi. The hai is taken in the right hand and thrown up. While it is in the air, the player snatches up one of the common stones (the kai mahi or workmen) with the right hand, and, holding it, catches the descending hai with the same hand. The latter is again thrown up, another common stone snatched up, and again the descending stone caught. This process is repeated until the right hand holds all five stones, which ends the takitahi, or one by one stage. Care must be taken not to drop any stones, during the rapid movements.
The next stage of the game, known as the takirua, or 'by twos' resembles the previous one, but two stones must be snatched up
The next act is the takitoru, or 'by threes,' in which three of the stones must be taken up together, by no means an easy feat when the descending stone demands that it be done in a hurry.
We next have the poipoi. In this a straight line is marked on the ground in front of the players (all of whom are seated), on either side of which line, right and left, a stone is laid, these two and the hai being the only ones used in this act. The hai is thrown up with the right hand, then the same hand snatches up the stone on the right side of the line, throws it up, catches the descending hai, and throws it up again. Then the other descending stone is caught in the left hand, which throws it up again, snatches up the stone left of the line, and throws it up to be caught as it descends with the right hand.
The next act is called koropu. A small circle is marked on the ground before the player, and around its periphery are arranged the hai and three other stones. The right hand seizes the hai, throws it up, and, ere it descends, moves the three stones into the centre of the circle, where they must be left so as to be touching each other. Then the right hand darts back to catch the descending hai, throws it up again, snatches up the three stones in the circle, and then catches among them the descending hai; thus the right hand now holds all four stones of the koropu. All motions of this stage are made with the right hand.
The final performance is the ruru, a word meaning "close together," and which is employed by Tuhoe as a name for the game. It describes the position in which the stones are placed. Three of the common stones are so laid on the ground as to touch each other. The hai is thrown up, then a stone is snatched from the ground and thrown up, then the descending hai is caught and thrown up again, all with the right hand. Then another stone is clutched from the ground and thrown up, and the second falling stone caught in the left hand, and again thrown up, the descending hai is caught with the right hand, thrown up, and the third stone grabbed from the ground and thrown up, until all four have been thrown and correctly caught. The hai must, in this act, always be caught in the right hand, as it descends, and the common stones in the left hand. To make this operation the more difficult, players must be most careful in snatching up the stones on the ground. These are placed so as to touch each other, and should the remaining stone or stones move when one is removed hastily by the darting hand, then that player falls out of the game; he has failed. These movements call
In Vol. 7 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, is a description of the South Island form of this game, contributed by Sir F. R. Chapman. As in the North Island, it is played with five small round stones. The following is the account of the different movements of the game:—
The game of knucklebones was played by the Tahitians in the following manner, according to Ellis—"Timo or timotimo was another game… The parties sat on the ground, with a heap of stones by their sides, held a small round stone in the right hand, which they threw several feet up into the air, and, before it fell, took up one of the stones from the heap, which they held in the right hand till they caught that which they had thrown up, when they threw down the stone they had taken up, tossed the round stone again, and continued taking up a fresh stone every time they threw the small round one into the air, until the whole heap was removed."
In 1839 Wilkes saw Samoans playing this game. It was played by two persons 'who place about fifty beans of the Mimosa scandium before them; then, taking up four at a time, they throw them up in the air, and catch them on the back of the hand; the player who catches a hundred soonest is the winner."
Lieut. Walpole remarks on this Samoan game in his Four Years in the Pacific (1844 to 1848)—"Taking fifty or one hundred nuts of the Mimosa scandium, they are thrown up four at a time, and whoever catches the fifty or one hundred first wins. They are very skilful at this sort of game, and I have seen a girl tossing and catching nine oranges at once. This last is of European origin, I should think." The final remark is probably incorrect, as two of Cook's companions mention it as seen by them in Polynesia. Of a native girl seen at Tongatapu, Forster remarks:—"She had with her five apples, and threw every one of them up into the air, catching them again with amazing activity and skill."
The painting of native children playing koruru in the Partridge collection at Auckland is very life-like. The one unlikely feature in it is the superior dress of the children. No children played dressed up in that manner.
The game known as teka, also as neti, niti and pehu, though a form of dart throwing, was very different from the dart and spear throwing already described as a semi-military exercise. It was essentially a game, and the darts were thrown in a manner not employed in the manipulation of any form of weapon. The dart used, the teka, as it was termed, was small, thin, and light. It was occasionally made from the wood of the houama (Entelea arbor-escens), which is remarkably light, but, as a rule, the stipes of the bracken Pteris aquiline were used for the purpose. These are of a tough, fibrous nature, are found almost everywhere, and can be procured of straight growth.
Mr. J. White has left us the following description of this game:— "The darts consist of straight stems of the common fern Pteris. Round one end of such a stem was wound a narrow strip of green flax so as to form a knob termed poike. A clear piece of flat ground, free of weeds or other obstructions, was selected, and a mound of earth formed thereon. In playing, the operator stood some 30 feet behind the mound, holding his teka or dart in his right hand in the proper position, and, taking a run forward, he cast his dart so that it would just graze the upper surface of the mound and glance off in an upward direction. He whose dart went the furthest won the contest. In some cases it was arranged that a player must win, say ten such trials, ere the game was over and he credited with the winning of it."
The end of the dart bound with a strip of green Phormium was the forward end of the dart when thrown (E takaia ana a mua o taua teka ki te harakeke). The ground where these darts were cast was carefully prepared, cleaned of all vegetation, levelled, and made to resemble a broad beaten path. The player, ere throwing his dart, takes a run toward the mound in a stooping position.
The poike enables the dart to fly straight, but it requires much practice and dexterity to enable a player to cast the dart properly, so that it will just graze the top of the mound and ascend at the desired angle. When all the players have cast their darts they all go and examine them. He whose dart has gone the furthest wins the contest (i a ia te piro). Each player has his dart marked with a certain design so that he will recognise it. These designs (whakairo) are marked with red ochre. Young persons often met to contend at this game in order to see which was the cleverest player. Sometimes a party went to another village in order to play against the folk of that place.
Te Whatahoro, of Wairarapa, contributes the following:— The teka was held in the right hand, with the end of the forefinger resting against the butt of the dart, and it was thus thrown with an underhand cast and caused to glance off a mound of earth some little distance in front of the performer. Competitions between the players of different village communities were formerly held, but all these amusements of former times were discouraged by the early missionaries, which put a stop to them. This form of dart throwing is known as piu teka and tow teka. The teka or dart would be about three feet in length. In Maori myth the game is said to have been invented by the ubiquitous hero Maui. Prior to casting his dart he would expectorate upon it and recite the following charm:—
In this myth we see that the dart was employed for a special purpose, to discover the whereabouts of the grandfather of Maui, and this aspect is met with in local and comparatively modern Maori legends or myths, as in the legend of Tama-ahua, and the tradition of Raumati.
Among the Tuhoe folk, the first player to win ten rounds was declared the winner. When a player won his first round, he cried— "Ka tahi ki rua!" On gaining his second round he cried—"Ka rua ki toru!"; at the third "
In these charms we have intelligible language, not the meaningless jargon recited in connection with some amusements, though quite possibly these are corruptions. Pehu evidently refers to the teka in the above. The charm calls on the implement to dart forward like a meteor in the heavens, and, like the dart of Tuhuruhuru, not to be overtaken, to fly straight, to ascend, and descend beyond the far ranges, and winds up by craving good luck.
In the old Maui myths, the hero Maui-potiki uses the bodies of his brothers in place of an earthen mound, from which to cause the dart to glance off, and 'hence the hollow along the backbone of man, caused by the darts of Maui striking them. This curious conceit enters into the story of Whare-matangi. In this fine old legendary tale, Uru-te-kakara, daughter of Raumati, marries one Ngarue, of Taranaki. After a time the latter decides to leave his wife at her home at Awakino, near Mokau and, return to his old home at Taranaki, on account of his having been jeered at by his wife's relatives, owing to his indolence. On leaving, he said to his wife:—"Farewell! I am overcome with shame, it is as a fire burning within me. Even my affection for you pales before this feeling. And now, farewell; abide with your people, your parents; abide in your home. Let not your thoughts wander to me, though I will ever greet the clouds that rest on the peak of Pari-ninihi, and point to you. Do one kindly act for me. Should your child be a male, name him Whare-matangi in memory of me, living a lone life and dwelling in a comfortless hut, assailed by cold and wind [matangi]. If a girl, name her Hine-matangi. When your child grows up, should he enquire "Who is my father?", point out to him the lone peak of Taranaki looming afar off, that he, or she, may seek me by traversing teka] as a means of tracing me, and let him repeat this charm over his dart:—
Let him cast his dart toward the south-west, and the land breeze will waft it to me. And when the dart is so cast, let him recite this charm:—
And now, farewell! Though intense my affection for you, yet can I never again return to you. A stream now flows that can never return to its source. Farewell! The pangs of affection are keen. By water was Mahuika overcome; by Tiki was Karihi subdued. Farewell to the summer of our life; for we now separate as were parted the Dawn Maiden and the Sun god in the days when the world was young."
Then the twain ascended the hill together, to look far southward to the future home of Ngarue. Here they wept and saluted each other, then drew apart, and Ngarue fared on to his old home beneath the peak of Taranaki, there to await longingly the coming of Whare-matangi.
The child of Uru-te-kakara was a boy, who, as he grew up, was urged by his mother to practise the art of dart throwing, even that he might eventually seek his father by its aid. When he had developed into a young man there was organised a hui whakataetae, or competitory meeting, at which assembled the folk of many hamlets. On a certain day the lads met at the marae teka, or marae toro teka, or papa pere, all of which are names for the carefully prepared ground at which dart throwing is practised. At this meeting Uru gave her son the carefully made dart of houama wood that had belonged to Ngarue, saying:—"Here is the dart left for you by your father, when
The result was that Whare-matangi, son of Ngarue and Uru, won the contest. Here followed some sarcastic remarks by defeated lads concerning the winner, his runaway father, and the fact that the death of his grandfather, Raumati, was still unavenged, he whose head had been placed on a post of the turuma (latrine) of Hautupatu, in the far off Arawa country. These jibes rankled in the mind of Whare until he decided to seek his father, and solicit his aid in a foray on the Arawa district. The story is a long one in the original and cannot be retailed here, but Whare asks—"Is it possible for me to find my father?" To which is replied—"It is possible; if you cast [toro] your dart Tiritiri-o-matangi, it will conduct you to your father."
Then Whare-matangi set forth to seek his father. His mother accompanied him to the summit of the hill Opotau, and there, looking to Tahu-makaka-nui (the west), they saw the far distant peak of Taranaki (Mt. Egmont). Said the mother "Yonder stands Taranaki, the snow capped peak; you must take that as your guide. But, ere you start, you must cast your dart, and throw it so as to glance off my back. By aid of the female element alone can you succeed (Tama-whinetia to teka, kia mahaki ai te rere; perea ma runga i toku tuara.)" Even so, as Uru lay on the ground, her son, having repeated the proper charm, cast his dart so that it glanced off the hollow of her back, and Tiritiri-o-matangi sped on through space to far Tirau, where it came to earth.
Whare-matangi then saluted his mother, saying—"Grieve not for me, but look for the gleam of Venus in the heavens on the third night. If seen by you, then will you know that I have found my father. If not seen, then you may know that disaster has overtaken me, by the hand of man, or of Maiki-roa [personified form of sickness, etc.]; then do you cause to appear in the heavens the red gleam of the kura awatea as a greeting to me in Rarohenga [the spirit world]."
Then Whare-matangi and his companions descended the hill and commenced their journey. And the voice of Uru-te-kakara was heard once more—"O Whare! Regard me in one thing; let me know by messenger when you are about to return to me." No word in reply came from her son, who turned and made an old, old sign of the Maori people, the kapo, the clutched hand that means so much.
Uru-te-kakara remained on the hill-top, wailing for the string of her heart now separated from her. For twice had misfortune afflicted her, she had died two deaths, when her husband left her, and now that her son had left her. Grievous was the sadness of the mother heart. When darkness descended, she left the hill and returned to her home.
On arriving at Tirau, Whare found his dart, and, repeating his charm, again cast it. On reaching Otara, at Mokau, he again found Tiritiri-o-matangi, and again threw it. At Pari-ninihi it was again found, and here the party camped for the night. At dawn, Whare again cast his dart, using the proper charm, and this time it came to earth at Te Rau-tahi-o-te-huia (now termed Te Rau-o-te-huia), so named from a single huia plume worn by Whare-matangi in his head dress. At that place the ridges from Onaeroa (marked Onaero on maps) and Te Urenui-rahotu meet. Here, for the last time, Whare cast his guiding dart, which descended on the plaza of Huirua, the house of Ngarue. Now Ngarue was basking in the sun in the porch of his house, the sun of Tatau-uruora (November), when he was startled by seeing the dart sticking quivering in the ground before him. His companions said: "What can be the origin of this dart quivering here?" And one remarked: "It is a supernatural object, judging by its appearance." Then arose certain priests to perform certain ceremonies by means of which any evil influence exercised by the dart might be annulled.
It was now that Ngarue recognised his own dart, the dart left by him with his wife long years before, and he now knew that a son of theirs was coming to visit him, hence preparations were made to receive him. The dart was deposited at the tuahu, a local tapu spot where ritual performances were held. Ere the sun had weakened, the party of Whare-matangi was seen approaching, and the people rose to welcome the travellers. Whare enquired for his dart, and then Ngarue rose and intoned the old time Maori query by which one person asks indirectly the name of another:—
And Te Whare-matangi replied thereto after the manner Maori, also intoning his reply:—
Ngarue cried:—"O! This is my son. Welcome, O my first-born; welcome! Here am I, your parent, lost to you even as the moa is lost; now found by you. Welcome!"
After the ceremonial speeches were over, Whare was taken to the tuahu by the priests, where the pure rite was performed over him, but the magic dart finds no further place in the story.
The above story is an illustration of how darts endowed with magic powers enter into Maori traditions of what are apparently historical incidents. It represents the element of the marvellous beloved of uncultured man. These magic darts, always employed to seek out or locate persons or places, appear in other such oral traditions, as in the legend of Tama-ahua. (See Dominion Museum Bulletin No. 4, p. 184.)
Another singular feature in this tale is the reference to a belief held by natives, viz., that certain persons were endowed with powers that enabled them to produce celestial phenomena, such as lunar and solar halos, bright arches, or a red glow in the heavens. By such means travellers and voyagers are said to have notified their friends of safe arrival at their destinations. Such phenomena were the kura hau awatea and kura hau po, solar and lunar halos.
The teka also appears in the old myth of Miru and Kewa, as noted in Vol. 5 of the Journal of the Polynesian Society, pp. 117-118, where the following explanation occurs: "The teka is a dart of some length, thin at the fore end, gradually enlarging toward the butt. The fore or light end has a bunch of flax strips tied to it. It is thrown along the beaches of the sea shore. It is a game of skill, he who throws the dart furthest, wins the prize." The remark as to the tapering form of the dart would apply only to those made from timber, not to the common fern stalk darts.
Ellis tells us that the Tahitians indulged in a game consisting of 'jerking a reed, two and a half or three feet in length, along the ground. The men seldom played at it, but it was a common diversion for the women and children.' The name pere was there applied to it, as it was by the Maori (pere, a dart, pere, to cast or throw as a dart). The latter also employed the terms piu (to throw), and toro (underhand throw) in relation to dart throwing.
In the volume quoted above, the Rev. W. W. Gill tells us at p. 191 that this form of dart throwing was called teka-anga at the Cook Islands. At Mangaia it was played by men or women, but the sexes never mingled at the game, as they did in other islands of the group. Numerous songs for these reed throwing matches once existed, but are now lost. Green reeds were used for darts, the butt ends being
Of the amusements of the natives of Niue, Mr. Percy Smith writes:—"Of their ancient games probably ta-tika was the most noteworthy. It was known and indulged in by, I think, all branches of the race. It consisted in throwing a dart, about five feet long, with a light haft and heavy head, in such a manner that it struck the ground and then bounded upwards. He who threw furthest was the winner … Surf riding was another amusement… which again is common to the race everywhere but seems to have been practised more in Hawaii than elsewhere. The tug-of-war was another game … Stilts are common among the children now … and probably was an ancient amusement."
A similar game, as played at Samoa, is described by W. B. Churchward, in his work entitled My Consulate in Samoa. "It consists of throwing a light peeled stick, about four feet long, as far as possible in a peculiar manner, the greatest length covered in a stated direction winning the game. The player takes the stick in his right hand, the tip of the forefinger being pressed against its extreme end in the form of a hook. Holding it square across his breast, he takes a short run, and throwing back his right arm, with all the force he can muster, dashes the stick flat on the ground some little distance in front of him in the direction desired. If correctly and skilfully thrown, it bounces directly from the ground, and in a graceful curve sails away through the air to a great distance, much farther than it could be thrown direct."
In speaking of the amusements of the Tongans, Dr. Samwell, surgeon of the 'Discovery' on Cook's third voyage, says:— "Among their amusements … is darting a stick with an oval head a great way, which they do by striking it first against the ground; it then rebounds to a considerable distance. This is a play very common among the young boys."
Williams speaks of a game among the Tongans that consisted of throwing a spear into the air so that it might fall perpendicularly and pierce the top of a post of soft wood set up for the purpose.
The Fijians also practised the game of teka, which they termed tenga or tinga. The reed used as a dart had a knob of ironwood fitted on its head. It was cast, as by the Maori, with the knobbed head to the front, and Hale remarked of the motion that 'it slides and bounds along the ground.'
Capt. Erskine (Journal of a Cruise Among the Islands of the Western Pacific, 1853, p. 169) gives some account of the Fijian game and says that a dart throwing ground seen was 150 yds. long
Mr. C. Hedley, in his Ethnology of Funafuti (Memoirs of Australian Museum III. Part IV.) states that the game was known at that island. Codrington (The Melanesians, 1891) mentions it as a game played at the New Hebrides.
In the Hawaiian or Sandwich Group this game was called pahee (Cf. Maori paheke, to slip, glide, etc.).
A photograph was taken by the photographer of the Dominion Museum of a native casting the teka at Rotorua in 1920, but this, unhappily, is not yet available as an illustration.
This game, which calls for much practice, is known by several names, as ti ringa in the north, matimati in the Matatua district, and ku among Ngati-Porou of the East Coast. The game is played by two persons. Certain movements with the hands are made by one player with great rapidity, and a certain phrase repeated. The other must make precisely the same movement and repeat the phrase correctly so quickly that the two appear to be simultaneous. In some cases the element of uncertainty as to movements, as mentioned by Yate and Thomson, seems to be lacking. In the Tuhoe form of the game, described below, the same movements, made in the same order, are employed apparently, and the same phrases repeated, in which case quick observation is not required of the player, but merely a facile use of the hands. Further enquiry, however, is necessary in the different districts, in order to ascertain as to how far the game was conducted on a fixed basis in regard to its details. See Fig. 10 (p. 70).
The Rev. Mr. Yate made the following remarks anent this game:— 'Ti is a game with their fingers, in which they count, and are remarkably dextrous in detecting an error. He who the greatest number of times can place his fingers instantaneously in a certain position, on the repetition of a word chosen out of a given number, at the option of the opponent, is the winner. The rapidity with which the words are spoken, and the dexterity with which the hands are placed in the required position, are astonishing: practice from childhood is requisite to make a person perfect master of the game."
Taylor, in Te Ika a Maui, gives this brief note:—Ti is a game played with the fingers, also the komikomi, which consists in opening and shutting the thumbs and fingers. The correct form of this name is apparently komekome.
Thomson, in his Story of New Zealand, writes:—"Two games are known by the name of ti. The most common is that played with the fingers by two persons. The object of the game is to hold up certain fingers on the repetition of certain words, the selection of the words being at the option of one player, and ten is the highest number counted. Good players look at the mouth of the player crying out the words more than at the fingers, as the words are observed on the lips before they are formed by the fingers."
Polack contributes the following remarks:—"The game of ti is much indulged in. It consists of a party counting in unison with their fingers; on a number being given the players must instantly touch the finger denoting the said number, and an error in this active performance is productive of much mortification to the native. The dexterity with which it is played can only be accomplished by continual practice." And again, he says:—"The game of ti consists of counting on the tips of the fingers, in which each person must place his fingers in certain positions on the instant the chosen word is repeated by an antagonist. The people are very dexterous at this game, which requires unwearied practice from childhood."
We read in Dieffenbach:—"A very common sport amongst children consists in opening and shutting the fingers, and bending the arm in a certain manner, when the following words are said, the whole of which must be completed in a single breath:—
"Ka tahi ti, ka rua ti, etc., etc. See below.
Mr. John White gives the following jingle as having been repeated during the game:—
Other versions of this rhythmical effusion differ somewhat in the wording, and it is also employed in connection with other forms of amusement.
The following notes throw a little further light on the modes employed. The two players invariably sit facing each other about a yard apart. When playing such games the players belted or folded their cloaks round the waist and left the upper part of the body uncovered, thus securing free play for their arms. The game consists of placing the hands in different positions with great rapidity. One form of the game, termed matimati among the Tuhoe tribe, seems to have a set form of such motions and words to accompany them, the aim of the players being to make these motions and to repeat the correct phrase at the same time and with great rapidity.
In another method one player makes a movement with his hands which is imitated by his opponent as rapidly as possible, the aim of the latter being to imitate such movement so quickly as to give the impression that the two are simultaneous. In one movement the fingers of the two hands are interlocked, in another the two thumbs are placed together, in another the two clenched fists are put together, in another the backs of the hands come together, and so on. Each one watches the hands of his opponent closely.
In commencing one form of the game, both players hold up their hands and cry 'Ti,' then the game proceeds. The object of the watcher is to make the same movement as his opponent does, and so win the game, and each time that he makes a correct move, he makes, with his right hand, a rapid pass or movement to his right. At the first of such passes he cries 'Ti tahi,' (one ti), at the second 'Ti rua,' Ti ngahuru or ten ti. The first to make ten successful moves wins the game, as the game proceeds each player must keep repeating his count as "Ti rua, ti rua, ti rua" and so on. On making another successful move, he will change his cry to "Ti toru, ti toru, ti toru," and so on. Thus each player knows the tally of his opponent.
The following, contributed by the late Tuta Nihoniho, of Ngati-Porou, East Coast, introduces another name for the above game:— "The game called ku much resembles that termed matimati, and is performed in a similar manner by two persons. No. 1, the leader, opens the game by darting his hands swiftly about, up or down, to one side or another, the word ku being repeated at each movement. The aim of No. 2 is to imitate, as quickly as possible, the actions of No. 1, or even to forestall them. If No. 2 makes a wrong move, he loses, but if he anticipates No. 1 and makes the same movement perhaps a fraction quicker, he then wins. Both keep repeating the word ku, as Ku! Ku! Ku! Ka tahi ku, ka rua ku. Ku! Ku! Ku!"
The following is a part of the jingle repeated by players of ku:— "
This seems to be the same recital as that rendered by players in the form of the game called pokirua among the Ngati-Porou folk. Two young men playing this form at Whare-ponga were observed to make the various movements simultaneously, and with great rapidity.
The first cry was "Ka mate rawa," This was repeated five or six times. Then came "Ka ngihi ono." Possibly some phrases were omitted between the two given above.
The next repetition was "Ka whitu waru," then "Ka iwa haka," then "A kei! a kei! a kei!" This was the last.
One takes the initiative in movement and speech, but the other is so quick that they are practically simultaneous. If the leader makes an error then the other takes the lead and scores a point.
On the East Coast of the North Island different forms of this hand game were employed. In one of these the following words were repeated rapidly by the performers:—
The two players face each other. and, as they repeat these words, perform the rapid hand movements. They must not make the same movement at the same time, each makes a different one, hence they
piro, or out.
Another form of the game, as seen at Poverty Bay, has similar rules, but the lines repeated are as follows:—
This is repeated nine times, the numeral being altered each time, as "Kai te rua nei ano." This form is known as hikawai.
In the case of the form of this game played among the Tuhoe tribe, and termed by them matimati, we are enabled to give the details of motion and cries of a game actually witnessed, as follows, both players repeating the correct phrase for each movement, and making the same motion with their hands at the same time:—
The first words of the cries, tahi to iwa, are the numerals 'one' to 'nine,' hence the cries are "One matimati," "Two matimati," and so on. The word piro is equivalent to our term 'out,' as used in playing games. Any failure on the part of a player to make a movement correctly and swiftly denotes a failure, and the contest will probably be commenced again.
The following is the recital employed by some women who gave the Arawa form of the matimati game at Ohinemutu:—
In Labillardiere's account of the Dentrecasteaux expedition in search of La Perouse, he mentions a game resembling the above as having been observed at the Tonga Group in 1793:— "We had before observed among these people a game with the hands, which they call leagiu, and which requires great attention. Two play at it, and it consists in one's endeavouring instantly to repeat the signs made by the other, while the former makes signs in his turn, which the other is to repeat in like manner. We saw two in a party at no great distance from our market, who were so quick at this exercise, that our eyes were scarcely able to follow their motions."
This far-spread pastime was a pre-European usage in Maoriland, as also were kites, tops and hoops. It is generally termed whai, in full Te whai wawewawe a Maui, occasionally maui and huhi. In myth its origin is accredited to Maui, one of the old heroes, demigods, or personifications beloved of the Maori, and so it is sometimes called by his name. The forming of the various designs, of which there were many, provided amusement for young folks during long winter nights, hence this game was much practised in former times. Nor were adults averse to joining in the game, which has now, however, been almost forgotten, and is known by few. The word whai is sometimes employed as a verb, as in the expression "Whaia ano." Another such expression is "Whainga ano" which has a modern sound by no means pleasing. In these words is a player requested to re-form a design, to make it again.
Of this amusement, Dieffenbach writes:—"In the game of maui they are great proficients. This is a game like that called cat's cradle in Europe, and consists of very complicated and perplexing puzzles with a cord tied together at the ends. It seems to be intimately connected with their ancient traditions, and, in the different figures which the cord is made to assume whilst held on both hands, the outlines of their different varieties of houses, canoes, or figures of men and women are imagined to be represented."
The Rev. R. Taylor gives the following in Te Ika a Maui:—"Cat's cradles is a game very similar to ours, but the cord is made to assume
Thomson, in his Story of New Zealand, writes:—"Maui is a game played exactly like what in England children call cat's cradle. Two parties play at it, and in the shapes assumed by the strings the players detect houses, canoes, and men. Maui is mentioned in ancient songs, and was invented by the deified man whose name it bears." But Maui was no deified man.
In the Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. 7, p. 61, is the following:—"The terms ti, miri and kuna are all used in the games of whai or cat's cradle, which were wonderfully complicated as used by the Polynesians, and had stories and songs connected with them. A legend states that it was from the 'Realm of Miru' that the knowledge of these games was obtained."
One figure of whai showed the ascent of Tawhaki and Karihi to the heavens. This was a large pattern; when set up out of doors, on the plaza, it was made about three yards long. One person at each end to make the design, then one or two manipulated the central
Another figure represented the taniko or ornamental designs woven on cloaks.
Whai was deemed primarily an amusement for females, but males also joined in it. Some figures were manipulated by one person, some by two, or three, and some by four.
Prof. Haddon, in The Study of Man notes that cat's cradle is known all over Western Europe, also in Korea, Japan, China, Borneo, New Guinea, Melanesia and Australia. In regard to the statements made that figures of the Maori game represent incidents from their mythology, he remarks:—"These statements are very interesting, and suggest that we have here to do with some symbolism that has in course of time become obscured. On the other hand maui may be merely a pastime, and the string figures or designs may be nothing more than casual illustrations of the mythology of the natives. There do not appear to be sufficient data at present to settle this point." These remarks are just, and we have no evidence to show that such representations are anything more than 'casual illustrations' of Maori myths.
In Cat's Cradles from Many Lands, by Kathleen Haddon, are depicted many patterns from Africa, America, Torres Straits, etc., together with a detailed explanation of the manipulation of the cord whereby such figures were produced.
Mr. John White gives Te whai a Maui (the whai of Maui) as the name of the game, and gives the following as being jingles repeated by players:—
The following is another such song:—
The latter was also used as a (tiwha) form of conveying a hint that the singer proposed some action, such as a raid, in which he wished his hearers to assist him.
The same authority provides the following notes:—"Contests in this game were frequent in the days of yore, when the people of a hamlet assembled in a large house at night. In some cases two players
Some of the figures made in this game are said to have represented occurrences in the mythology of the race, such as the making of Tiki-ahua, the birth of the gods, the descent of Hine-titama [Hine-nui-te-Po] to the underworld, Maui procuring fire, as also other exploits of Maui."
Adults would often be seen teaching young folk the more intricate figures of whai, and children learned the simple patterns from each other. Both teeth and feet were sometimes employed in setting up figures. In many cases designs ran in series, one form being changed into another, often effected by means of an assistant player.
Tuta Nihoniho supplied the following list of names of designs known among the Ngati-Porou tribe:—
The same contributor furnishes a few explanatory notes:—In some cases it required two operators to set up a complicated figure. Only adepts could make some of the intricate ones, hence the saying of—"Na wai koe, te kuare, i ki kia rite koe ki te tangata ka rapa te whai" (who said that you, the ignoramus, should be equal to the person who can make intricate whai designs); also "Na wai te tangata ka rapa te whai"; as said of a person who excels at making the difficult patterns of whai. He who excels at so difficult a thing should be able to do anything. Performers always strove to surpass others.
Quaint stanzas, or jingles, were recited or sung in connection with some of the patterns of whai; the following is one pertaining to the mouti pattern:—
Elders indulged in cat's cradle as well as children, and any child who was clever and quick in learning to make or 'set up' the more intricate patterns was deemed to be worthy of being taught higher things, perhaps even to be entered as a pupil in the whare wananga. As Tuta remarked—"He whare wananga taua mea te whai." The whare wananga was the highest form of teaching, that pertaining to ritual and tribal history.
The following is a list of designs of whai furnished by Kahotea Te Heuheu, of Taupo, as some of those formerly known to the Tuwharetoa tribe: others he had forgotten:—
Some of these designs are secondary ones, formed from others. Thus the Manuka piko is formed from Te Ikiiki. That known as Te Rara tuna shows eels being smoke dried at a fire called an ahi rara ika. When forming Purere-kohu, the manipulator says— "Purere-kohu El Ka mau koe i te taua" (O Purere-kohu! You will be captured by the enemy), and the manipulation of the cord shows the endangered person jumping over a cliff to escape.
The following designs were remembered by the Tuhoe tribe, during the writer's sojourn in their district:—
The following was repeated over the Waka o Tama-rereti design:—
When the Tiremiremi design was set up, its parts were made to move, as the following was recited:—
The Whare o Takoreke represents a house decorated with carvings, while the Whare toto kau is a plain, unadorned house, as its name implies. Among Tuhoe the Whare pora is the house of weaving; all details of textile arts pertain to that house. The Rara matai represents a tree with branches.
The following names of patterns of Whai were obtained from natives at Poverty Bay in 1919:—
Of these the Maui design shows four of the Maui brothers, the Whai wahine shows a female and is changed into the Whai tane, which represents a man, after which it is changed back into the Whai wahine. The following lines are sung when the Waka o Tama-rereti is formed:
Moutohora (the native name of Whale Island) is a big, square design, requiring two persons to form it. Another design was mentioned by natives that requires four persons to form it.
Other names of designs collected in various districts are as follows:—
The Rev. W. W. Gill has recorded the game of whai as having been practised at Mangaia, one of the Cook Isles, in pre-European times. It is there known as ai, the local dialect having lost the sounds of 'h' and 'wh' This writer says:—"Teeth were called into play to help the fingers."
It is highly probable that the game was known throughout Polynesia, but, unfortunately, we have no detailed account of the customs, habits, social life, diversions, etc., of the inhabitants of many of the islands.
In his account of Tahiti and its natives, Bligh remarks:—"I was much delighted with the number of children that I saw in every part of the country: they are very handsome and sprightly, and full of antic tricks. They have many diversions that are common with the boys in England: such as flying kites, cat's cradle, swinging, dancing or jumping in a rope, walking upon stilts and wrestling."
In speaking of a native boy of the Santa Cruz Group, W. Coote remarks:—"His great accomplishment was the manipulation of a piece of string into what I believe are called 'cat's cradles.' It is interesting to notice the wide-spread prevalence of this amusement. The natives are very clever at it, and can carry out very numerous combinations, taking and re-taking the arrangements from each other for hours together."
Cat's cradle is also known in Australia. In the Report of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, 1902, is an article on the game as known to the aborigines of Northern Queensland, in which illustrations of seventy-seven different designs are given, some of which are remarkably intricate.
In the Hawaiian Isles the game is termed hee (Maori heke), and we are told that people guessed what each figure represented, as the performer made them, the one who guessed correctly then singing the song appropriate to the figure. Among our own Maori folk all the figures were well known, and there could be no guessing as to what they represented. Among the Papuans the diversion of cat's cradle seems to have been resolved into a ceremonial performance, or to have entered into acts of white magic to some extent.
A considerable number of designs of cat's cradle, with detailed descriptions, has been placed on record by J. C. Anderson in The New Zealand Journal of Science.
The late Professor E. B. Tylor considered that cat's cradle originated in south-eastern Asia, and that the knowledge of it was carried westward to Europe and eastward to the isles of the Pacific.
This is another string game, a much simpler one, known by the former name among the Tuhoe folk, and by the latter among Ngati-Porou of East Cape district. Two persons are each provided with a piece of string having a running noose formed at one end of it, this being made in the same way as that in which a Texan cattleman forms the lazo of a lariat, when no form of Honda or thimble is used. The noose string was the midrib of a leaf of Cordyline, used on account of its rigidity, a piece of ordinary string being of too flaccid a nature. The free end of the cord was wound round the forefinger of the right hand, while the small running noose at the other end was held open with the thumb and forefinger, but the forefinger was not doubled, as were the other fingers, it was held out straight and projecting, as an objective for the snare noose of one's opponent. Each player tried to catch the finger of his opponent in his noose. The players made rapid passes or darts at the opponents' extended forefinger, endeavouring to snare it without having their own caught. In the Tuhoe form of the game, each player had seated beside him a female companion, in this connection termed a ruahine, who acted as a kind of objective, apparently. For instance, when a player succeeded in catching his opponent's ruahine. By this act he is supposed to transfer the ha (dexterity, or power) of his opponent to his own ruahine, who seems to act as a guardian or repository of his own dexterity or cleverness at the game. This usage and belief illustrates a singular phase of Maori mentality, and is apparently connected with the employment of a woman in certain forms of ritual of a highly tapu nature. It represents the introduction of the female element, believed to be remarkably efficacious in ceremonial matters. A very interesting and instructive paper might be written on the terms ruahine and tamawahine, and what they imply.
The singular styles of posture dancing coming under the head of haka may well be classified under games requiring manual dexterity, for most of the action was performed with the arms. In some cases the arms alone were used, thus certain haka were performed in a sitting posture, when, the upper garment being removed, or tucked round the waist, the performers were quite unrestricted in their movements. Both sexes took part in this pastime, and indeed it was viewed as being a most desirable exercise, one exhibiting the dexterity and grace of movement of the performers. Young men and women who excelled in this art were much admired, hence great pains were taken to acquire free, graceful and well regulated action. In all activities requiring perfect time keeping and concerted rhythmical action the Maori certainly excels. The writer has a vivid recollection of witnessing the bayonet exercise, as performed by the Native Contingent many years ago, and the perfection of the time keeping displayed. Occasionally the drill sergeant would leave the parade ground, and then the men would, on their own accord, go through this exercise without any word of command. In the early days of European settlement, natives used to criticise the rowing of man-of-war sailors, and the manual as performed by Imperial regiments.
This posture dancing was performed at any and all times as an amusement, but especially at night, when the folk of a hamlet gathered together in one or more of the larger houses to pass the evening. The most important occasions, apart from ceremonial dances, when they were performed, were at meetings where several clans assembled, or possibly a party of visitors of another tribe was being entertained. At such functions great interest was taken in the haka, and the best performers were selected for these exhibitions, each one being attired in his, or her, finest garments, with hair dressed and adorned, and wearing any available ornaments. Persons with hair too short to be tied up as a support for plumes, would wear a form of fillet, termed a tipare, to support such ornaments. Face paints were sometimes used by young women, and by young men not yet tattooed. In some cases a kilt only was worn by performers, in others a small cape was added.
Haka, accompanied by songs, were performed at a reception to visitors, to entertain them after reception, to avenge insults, at peacemaking ceremonial, during mourning rites, as a means of divination, when a good haul of fish was made, and on many other occasions. Some were of a purely ceremonial nature, others were semi-ceremonial, and so on down to the simple songs and performances of children. The name haka is applied to both a posture dance and its accompanying song. The most violent exhibition is the war dance and one of the most pleasing to the eye is the haka poi or ball swinging play.
In Edgar's account of the voyage of the Discovery during Cook's third voyage appears the following description of the Maori posture dance:—"The War dance or Heva consists of a variety of violent motions and hideous contortions of the limbs, there is something in them so uncommonly savage and terrible, their eyes appear to be starting from their head, their tongue hanging down to their chin, and the motion of their body entirely corresponding with these in a manner not to be described."
In speaking of singing among the Polynesians, Forster adds:— "I cannot leave this subject without mentioning that the New Zealanders used likewise to exhibit to us their war song, which was begun by one of them, and accompanied with violent stampings, motions and gestures, and the brandishing of their battle axes; at the end of every stanza of the song was a kind of burden, which was sung by the whole band of warriors, with the loudest and most dreadful vociferations; which gradually worked them up to a kind of phrensy, the only state of mind in which they fight."
Of a war dance and sham fight performed by two friendly parties of armed natives, Earle writes:—"It was conducted with so much fury on both sides that at length I became quite horrified, and for some time could not divest myself of the feeling that our visitors were playing false, so closely did this mock combat resemble a real one. The dreadful noises, the hideous faces, the screeching of the women, and the menacing gestures of each party, were so calculated to inspire terror, that stouter hearts than mine might have felt fear."
Crozet remarks:—"They frequently danced on the deck of our vessels, and they danced so heavily that we were afraid they would break through the deck."
Nicholas mentions the case of a Maori lad who was taken from New Zealand to Norfolk Island and Sydney when about twelve years of age. On his return to his native land "he was always ready to mingle in the dance, but his attitudes were by no means so easy and unembarrassed as those of his countrymen, and it appeared to us as if civilisation had cramped his limbs, and made him quite stiff and awkward."
Earle remarks (1827)—"The dances of all savage nations are beautiful, but those of the New Zealanders partake also of the horrible. The regularity of their movements is truly astonishing, and the song, which always accompanies a dance, is most harmonious. They soon work themselves up to a pitch of phrensy; the distortions of their face and body are truly dreadful, and fill the mind with horror. I was astonished to find that their women mixed in the dance indiscriminately with the men, and went through all those horrid gestures with seemingly as much pleasure as the warriors themselves."
Polack writes:—"The dances are performed with astonishing agility that habitual practice can alone bring to perfection … These performances are taught to the children from earliest infancy."
Bidwill speaks of a war dance that he saw in which 3,000 natives took part. He was much impressed by it:—"The whole performance
Dr. Thomson contributes the following remarks:—"Singing, or the haka, was the amusement of village maidens and young lads on fine evenings. For this purpose they assembled with flowers and feathers in their hair, and red paint, charcoal, and petals of flowers on their faces. Most songs were accompanied with action. The singers first arranged themselves in a row, in a sitting attitude, on a conspicuous place; the best voices commenced and finished each verse, then all joined in the chorus, which consisted of a peculiar noise caused by repeated expirations and inspirations, slapping one hand on the breast, raising the other aloft and making it vibrate with great rapidity, and moving the body in indelicate attitudes … When the haka was sung by grown men, the singers stood in rows or in squares. The action of the legs and body was graceful, but the uplifted hands vibrating in the air during the chorus, and the forced expirations and inspirations, produced a singular wildness … Singers adorned their hair profusely with feathers, and fastened their mats [garments] round their waists. As men sang in the open air in the evening, and as maidens assembled to hear the singing, and also to behold the finest shaped men, there were frequently intrigues on these occasions."
Haka being a generic term for many styles of posture dancing, it follows that each style had its specific name. Also haka songs were distinguished by name, and differed much in tone and delivery. Some were mild and pleasing, others, of the ngeri and kaioraora types, were virulent, incisive and savage. The different kinds of haka practised among the Ngati-Porou tribe were:
In the haka porowha the performers form in square, the ranks facing four ways. In the aroakapa the performers are ranged in two or more ranks facing in the same direction. In the haka taparahi, the performers are ranged in form of a square, but all ranks face in the same direction. The pikari implies certain movements of the legs not used in other forms. In the haka horuhoru the performers all kneel down. The haka waiata are posture dances accompanied by a mild species of songs and fairly slow movements; while others, such as taparahi, are accompanied by most energetic actions and fiercely rendered songs of the ngeri class.
Haka taparahi. This form of haka was performed by a number of persons standing in several ranks; these ranks were an arm's length apart, the performers standing an equal distance apart in the ranks. All the motions were gone through in time to the song, and, in some cases, the performers sank to a kneeling position at the conclusion.
In the following haka all performers save the fugleman are kneeling at the beginning of the performance. The kai tataki, or fugleman, calls out—
At this cry all performers commence, as one man, the actions of the haka. The fugleman then cries—
This is the end of the first part, and here all the performers kneel down.
The above is said to be part of a very old haka, and one that was performed by Ngati-Porou prior to setting forth to fight. If incorrectly rendered, trouble would follow, such a thing being extremely unlucky, a bad omen. This was the war song chanted by Ngati-Porou prior to their first engagement with the Hauhau forces in 1865; a mistake was made in the rendering thereof, which foretold the deaths of several members of the force. Our contributor, Tuta Nihoniho, was unable to explain the wording of the song.
The dance known as haka tutohu or turanga a tohu is performed as an act of divination, in order to see what fate has in store for a party about to set forth on an expedition. It was performed by persons grouped in the form of a wedge, with spaces between the actors, who, however, did not stand in ranks. It was executed without weapons; if performed with weapons, it was termed a peruperu. The peruperu is not quite the same as the tutu ngarahu, or orthodox war dance. The following is a specimen haka tutohu:—
The haka horuhoru was performed in a kneeling position by members of both sexes. The expression horuhoru describes the deep, grunting and rasping sounds made by the performers.
The following are the words of one of such haka:—
There were many different actions in these posture dances, and an immense number of the songs were known, such items being composed on many different occasions. For instance, a new song, with appropriate gestures, might be composed as a special performance in welcoming a party of visitors, or as a token of resentment anent some slight or insult received. Some haka were performed by males only, some by women only, some by both sexes, while children also had their simple little haka, which were equivalent to the nursery rhymes of our children.
The haka pirori was a very peculiar form of posture dance performed in a very curious manner, and accompanied by an incisive, insulting, or virulent song, for the purpose of avenging an injury or insult received. The performers were absolutely naked and performed every act they could think of to express a desire to belittle and insult the party before whom they were performing. They exposed themselves by bending the legs, by turning their backs, etc., so as to flout the visitors. If a person died through having been bewitched by a certain person, or persons, and the latter had the effrontery to come and take part in the mourning ceremonies, then a haka pirori would be performed before them when they arrived in the village plaza, that is if they were not attacked and slain. I saw a haka pirori performed in 1898, but in that case the women were clothed, and the men wore a breech clout. This performance is not only designed to insult the wrong doers, but also to keep alive the memory of the injury received in the breasts of the performers and their friends; hence the act was described as a manatunga. "Ka patua e koe pea taku tamaiti; na ka karamai koe ki toku kainga, ka manatungatia koe, he whakaweriweri i a koe tona hangaitanga. Na, ki te kore te tangata pena e manatungatia, ka patua." (Suppose you
The following is a specimen of a haka pirori:—
For the origin of haka (dancing) we must go far back in Maori myth, where we encounter the Haka a Tane-rore (The Dancing of Tane-rore), a name applied to the quivering appearance of the atmosphere, as seen on hot summer days. An old fable says that Ra, the sun, had two wives, Hine-raumati (Summer Maid) and Hine-takurua (Winter Maid). His Offspring by the former was Tane-rore, whose dancing may be seen during the months in which his mother holds the favour of Ra. It is sometimes alluded to as the Haka a Raumati, the dancing of the Summer Maid, and that was the origin of all the haka of the world.
Another quaint old fable gives Parearohi as the name of this summer dancer, and describes her as a woman, a supernatural being, who, in the fourth month of the Maori year (September) commences to dance. You may see her gyrating about forest margins and other places, and she is one of the first messengers of Raumati (summer). Her husband is Rehua, he who causes lassitude in man.
Another well-known myth is that of Tinirau and Kae, and how the latter was caused to laugh. Kae had slain Tutunui, the tame whale of Tinirau, who despatched a party to capture Kae by stealth. These persons were told that they would recognise Kae by means of his gapped teeth (niho kowae), hence it was necessary to cause him to laugh in order that his teeth might be exposed to view. Then it was that a party of women set about the task, among them being personages famed in Maori myth, as Hine-te-iwaiwa, Raukata-uri, Raukata-mea, and Ruhiruhi. They played games, such as ti papaki ringa, and sang, and sounded instruments, as the pu torino, Koanaii, pakuru, to, ku, torehe, and porotiti. They then performed a haka, accompanied by the following song:—
This effusion seems to have brought down the house, and to have made all laugh, when Kae was recognised, the end being that he was captured, taken away, and slain.
When, after the slaying of Raumati by Nga-Oho, the chief Ngarue visited Wai-mimi, Taranaki district, he first met his future wife, Uru-te-kakara, daughter of Raumati and Te Kura-tapiri-rangi, all being famous folk of those parts some four hundred years ago. The following is the song rendered by the party of Ngarue to accompany a dance performed as an exhibition of their accomplishments. The leaders of dance and song were Ngarue and his sister, Hine-ruhi. The latter carried in her hand as a baton a wooden weapon called a meremere, and named Horonuku-atea. She was a much admired woman, and concerning her a saying has passed down the centuries:— "Ko Hine-ruhi koe, ko te wahine nana i tu te ata hapara," implying that the glories of dawn emanated from her. The local people then rose and fell in to give a return exhibition, conducted by Uru-te-ka-kara and Hotorangi:—
Funeral Dance:
The haka performed at an uhunga, that is during ceremonial mourning for the dead, is termed maimai, and it was allied to the apakura, or dirge, known as the Tangi a Apakura, which is the oldest dirge in the world, for it is the ceaseless moaning of the ocean. During the wailing for the dead, a person might call out "Hapainga te maimai," whereupon the people would join in the dance and song. This song is the maimai aroha, or token of affection; why it should be accompanied by a dance is known only to barbaric man, who ever translated emotions into action. In this posture dance, the women indulged in the swaying motions of the body and arms known as aroarowhaki, the men in somewhat more vehement pikari motions.
Shortland wrote as follows:—"On fine evenings it is the favourite amusement of the young men and girls to assemble for the purpose kakapa. Each verse of the haka is a separate sentence, complete in itself, terminated by what I have called the refrain, which is a peculiar gutteral noise, caused by repeated inspirations, succeeded by forcible expirations of the breath. When there are many singers the effect is strange, and not unpleasing."
Many of the haka of olden times are now no longer practised, such as the haka koiri, and others of a ceremonial nature. Others that have survived, such as the haka poi, have been affected by European influences. Two other forms that have survived are the haka with which visitors are greeted, and the ngeri type, which includes an incisive chant composed and sung for the purpose of avenging some slight, or insult; this latter form is now falling into disuse. In some cases the whole song is sung by all members of a company, in others a fugleman sings the first line, or few lines alone, after which the company joins in. In others, the leader sings every
haka, as the song was sung, including stamping with the feet, arm thrusts and flourishes, quivering of hands, movements of body and head, out thrust tongue, distorted eyes, grimacing, etc. Some dances included all violent, energetic movements, others were of a much milder nature. In some cases, the fugleman's first call was for action on the part of the company, as—
whereupon all commence to strike the palms of their hands on their thighs, keeping perfect time. Or—
when all commence to stamp the right foot on the ground, after which the fugleman chants another line or two to lead up to the chorus. The following haka was composed by the Rua-tahuna natives at the time when their lands were about to be formed into a special reserve, the Rohe potae—
"I ki mai nga iwi o te motu nei, ma te rohe potae au ka mate."
"I ki mai nga iwi o te motu nei, ma te rohe potae au ka mate."
Some years ago the writer rode a long trail to Wai-aua in company with a party of natives making a pre-arranged visit to that hamlet. The party included some relatives of the local people, hence the wording of the haka with which it was greeted:—
These things are not worth translating, for the wording conveys no sense to us. For example the above reads:—Your ancestor Tapui-kakahu said, "There is also food at Wai-aua.' What is the haka are now untranslatable, on account of obsolete expressions contained therein, and also because we can now obtain no explanation of incidents, etc., referred to. Others, again have apparently become corrupted to some extent.
When the first Land Commission visited the Tuhoe tribe, in order to take evidence as to ownership of the different blocks, quite a stir was created among the natives, and many old jealousies and feuds were revived. This led to the composing of several haka, or songs of derision, which were rendered with fierce rhythmical emphasis, and accompanied by the usual posture dance. During the ceremonial reception of the Commissioners, a long procession of young men, bare-legged and naked to the waist, issued forth in single file from a large house, each man having his arms out-stretched before him, with hands resting on the shoulders of the preceding man. On reaching the middle of the marae, or plaza, the men arranged themselves in two ranks, facing the visitors, and performed their haka:—
Here Tuhoe compared themselves to frogs, which had recently reached that district, and rapidly multiplied. 'The cry of the creature, of the frog.' Ku-ke-ke represents the croaking of the frog. Tuhoe are croaking at Te Whaiti (the name of a block of land claimed by three clans, and the cause of much ill feeling). The haka continues:—
(Look up and look down. Gaze at the special power flying yonder. List to the hihi sound of the pen of the Commissioner, as it goes hihi.) The 'special power' was a flag presented by the Government to the Tuhoe tribe, and on which were the words "Te Mana motuhake mo Tuhoe" (the special mana for Tuhoe.) Hihi is an improvised sound word, an example of onomatopoeia, that represents the sound of a pen writing. The Maori is much given to the use of sound words, and readily evolves them when required. Thus he speaks of the ticking of a watch as tatetate, and calls a bullroarer huhu. When a Tuhoe bushman returned from a visit to Auckland, he was asked as to what had Ko te kikihi o nga waewae i nga huarahi"—the kikihi sound of feet on the pavements, the ceaseless sound of many footsteps on stone or asphalt sidewalks.
The following haka has been much in evidence of late years:—
(It is death; it is death)
(It is life; it is life)
(Here is the hairy person)
(Who caused the sun to shine, etc.)
Many of the old haka were remarkably picturesque performances, and some of the most spectacular were performed on ceremonial occasions. For example, when two clans met in order to make peace after fighting, the party coming from a distance would fall in on the plaza. The local warriors, stripped for the peruperu and haka, then marched on to the plaza in an ordered column, though not keeping step. Preceding them was a party of girls, clad in fine garments, and adorned in manner barbaric with paint, feathers, etc., the picked dancers of the clan. These girls marched ahead of the men, and, at a certain distance in front of the visitors' opposing column, they halted, facing the opposition party in one rank. The column of fighting men halted behind them, their front rank screened by the girls. The latter, led by their kai kakariki, or leader, then performed one of the most interesting haka of former times, one that requires the illustrating aid of the cinematograph. At a given signal, all the girls made a sharp left turn and marched slowly round the left flank of the rear column, still singing, and each girl waving her right arm, as though beckoning to their late enemies to approach. As the kai kakariki cleared the left flank of the column of men, she made another left turn, the third, and led her rank of maidens in behind the rear rank of men. When she came parallel with the right flank of that column, she halted her line, and all made another left turn. The haka powhiri or welcoming dance concluded; the row of girls was in the rear of the column, which then broke into the strenuous display and roaring chorus of the peruperu dance. This was followed by a similar performance on the part of their late enemies, after which speeches were made on both sides, and the peace binding ritual was chanted.
Both sexes acted as leaders in haka, and women were noted for their lascivious motions of the onioni type. Such leaders usually carried a weapon in the right hand and indulged in grotesque movements and contortions described by the terms pukana, pikari, whakapi and aroarowhaki. A man might carry a short weapon, as a mere, or a long one such as a taiaha, or pouwhenua, or tewhatewha, or a carved or painted paddle, but women preferred the mere, or a short wooden weapon termed meremere. These strenuous forms of dances, and their accompanying vigorous songs, are not so pleasing to most Europeans as the milder performances of the haka poi, and that of the girls described above. Those haka performed in a sitting position, such as the ruriruri, were also often of a comparatively mild nature.
It must not be supposed, however, that all vigorous haka are incisive, betokening hostility, or contempt. Many of those employed when welcoming visitors are decidedly strenuous, as also is the umere, with which women were wont to welcome a good haul made by fishermen.
This form of haka calls for some remarks, inasmuch as it appears to be the only ball game played by the Maori, and also because it has survived to the present time. It is now viewed as being essentially an amusement for girls and women, but there is some evidence to show that, in former times, young men took part in it, at least among some tribes.
In his account of the origin of ball games, Prof. Haddon says:— "These early games of ball were evidently martial exercises, and encouraged for the purpose of keeping the young men in good condition for actual warfare." These remarks scarcely apply to such a ball game as the Maori poi, which word signifies a ball.
There is but little on record concerning this pastime in the works of early writers, or any writers for that matter, and it would now be difficult to describe the purely Maori forms, so much has the exercise been influenced by the European invasion. This is especially noticeable at Rotorua, where the guileless tourist is entertained, and where the supply of ancient Maori artifacts never fails them, buy they never haka here performed, the motions of the arms are derived from the various activities displayed by a carpenter, as in sawing and using gimlet, brace, auger, hammer, etc.
Nicholas, a sojourner in the Bay of Islands district in 1815, wrote: —"They made Mr. Marsden a present of a ball called a poi, with which the ladies amuse themselves by throwing it repeatedly backward and forward; it is somewhat larger than a cricket ball, and made of their cloth or canvas, stuffed with the down of the bull-rush, having a long string appended to it, which they seize with the forefinger while the ball is in motion, and are very dexterous in this practice."
The Rev. R. Taylor left us the following brief note:—"Poi is a game played with an ornamented ball, causing it to revolve by a small string attached, and singing at the same time. The ball is pa and played as an invitation to join in a war expedition."
In Halswell's report of 1841, we find these remarks:—"The natives make baskets in colours, and toys of various sorts, such as balls very neatly made of black and white plait, which are swung by a cord in a peculiar manner, whilst the performers, many in number, sing in excellent time. Most of the women excel in this, and the exact time, the regular motion, and precise attitude which is observed by all the performers, are peculiarly striking,"
C. O. Davis wrote:—"Poi: a ball with string played with the hands, and made from the fibre of the flax (Phormium). This article is sometimes fancifully ornamented with feathers, dog's hair, pearl shell, etc."
Colenso gives us nothing, but Dr. Thomson notices our poi— "Poi is a game played with variegated balls, about the size of large oranges, to which strings are attached. The string is held in one hand and the ball is struck with the other. The hand holding the string is often changed, the string is shortened and lengthened, and the ball is struck from under the arms, and in a variety of ways. Poi is played in a sitting posture, and players sing songs applicable to the time. Much practice is requisite to play the poi ball properly, and when well played, with a handsome ball, and a good song, the effect is beautiful." Though this ball game might be practised to some extent in a sitting position, as of an evening, yet more important exhibitions were certainly given standing in ranks. Again, it is doubtful if the manipulation of the poi ever constituted a request for armed assistance. Such a request might be conveyed, merely hinted at, in the words of the song accompanying the game.
The following notes, contributed by the late Tuta Nihoniho, of Ngati-Porou, East Cape district, are more explicit:—Poi balls were made by weaving, or rather netting (ta, not whatu) round bags of Phormium fibre, made with a very fine mesh, and ornamented with patterns. These bags were filled or stuffed with raupo down (tahuna), the pappus of Typha augustifolia, and ornamented with little tufts of dog's hair, such a ball being termed a poi awe. See Fig. 23 (p. 104). Common ones were made by wrapping raupo leaves round some object so as to impart form to them, as also additional weight; these common ones being known as poi kokau, or plain balls, not being ornamented in any way. See Fig. 22a (p. 102). These balls had a short string attached to them, whereas the poi awe possessed a long one, the latter ball being thrown outward from the performer more than the raupo ball, so as to show its ornamental properties. The series of movements of the two kinds of ball differ much. Only the short rangi poi) sung by the performers.
The poi was performed by females, but sometimes youths took part in it. It was a common pastime among the people at all times, and was practised at intertribal social gatherings. Contests were sometimes held between different hamlets, when a party of poi performers from a village would visit another in order to play against a local team. Such visits also took place in connection with the haka, and other amusements calling for skill on the part of the performers. This ball exercise was performed standing. The rangi poi, or time songs, were sometimes specially composed to be used as tiwha (songs sung to the people or chiefs of another hamlet, or clan, and which contain a hinted proposal for joint action, as in regard to war). In such cases as when the performance was employed as a medium for political or kindred purposes, the success or failure of such purposes was thought to be foreshadowed in the manner of performance; if well delivered, it predicted success for the project; if badly rendered, then failure would ensue. Mehemea ka ata tu te poi, a he ra kei tua; ka he te poi, he aitua. If the poi be well rendered, the sun shines ahead; but if badly performed, then trouble looms, before.
The following is one of the old time songs of the poi performance, said to have been composed by Puhi-wahine of Ngati-Apa:—
A Rangi Poi"Poi, poi, poia atu taku poi, wania atu taku poi Nga pikitanga ki Otairi papatairite mai ki Patea Ka tirotiro ki Te One-tapu, taiawhio tonu ki Taupo Ko Te Rohu, ko Te Rerehau E whae ma! Kia tika mai te whakaaro Mo aku haere ruahine ki kona He nui tonu mai, he iti taku iti E hara i muri nei, no tua whakarere No aku kaumatua i whiua ki Heretaunga Ko Puoro-rangi, ko Tarapuhi Ka rawe ra maua ko taku tara ki te hapai awe ki nga whenua Tapapa ana i te hiwi ki Horohoro Ka matau tonu au ki Tara-wera, ko Te Hemahema Ka rere titaha te rere a taku poi E oma ana i te tai pouri ki Rotorua Ko Pare-hokotoru, ko Te Apoapo, ko Ngatoro Kai whea te rae ka hapainga mai Kai Tauranga a Tupaea Ko te mea ra e wawatatia nei e maua ko taku poi Tiherutia i te wai ki Hauraki, ko Hapai, ko Taraia Tu tonu mai Taua-iti kei Mahurangi, ko Te Ao-hau, ko Tiao Ka taupatupatu te rere a taku poi i nga ia tuku ki Wai-kato Ko KingiPo-tatau, ko Te Paea, koMatutaeraE taoro nei i te nuku o te whenua hei mana mo Aotearoa. Potaea! te mana o taku poi, potaea!"
The following was also given by Tuta as a poi chant, presumably it is but a fragment of one:—
A Rangi Poi"Tu ke Marotiri, tu ke Toiroa … e Ko Rakai-hakeke ki waenganui, nawa … e."
The same contributor stated that the balls were occasionally made from a light wood, either houama (Entelea arborescens), or mako (Aristotelia racemosa). No other authority mentions wooden balls, and probably they were rarely employed. The modern ball, as used to-day, is a paltry affair, merely a few dry bulrush leaves folded up, and having a string attached to it. The poi awe formerly used were carefully made, demanding considerable skill on the part of the maker, and were attractive to the eye. An old specimen in the Dominion Museum is spherical, and four inches in diameter. See Fig. 23 (p. 104). It is a netted fabric, the twine used being apparently that of the Phormium plant. The cord attached is a short one of fifteen inches, having a big knot at the end to prevent it slipping from the hand. The ornamentation of the ball consists of six diamond shaped figures, placed equi-distant, made and secured in the following manner. The bag having been made, and tightly stuffed with some soft substance, it was then closed and fastened so as to form practically a perfect sphere. Taking the point of attachment of the cord as the top of the ball, a piece of twine has been tied tightly, in a horizontal position, round the middle of the ball. Two others have been tied round it in a vertical position, crossing each other at right angles at the top and bottom of the sphere. Thus the points of intersection are six in number, and each such point is the centre of one of the lozenge shaped ornamental patterns, such patterns being worked on the crossed containing strings in much the same manner that a patu ngaro or fly killer is made. In forming each lozenge, the first act was to make a small laced (nati) design in diamond form, by working narrow strips of a fibrous leaf on the crossed strings as a frame or base, these strips being three deep on either side of the central point. The strips are about one-eighth of an inch in width, and are the epidermis of the midrib of Cordyline indivisa, or of some other leaf that has been dyed red. Surrounding this design are three rows of rolled twine (takerekere), of dressed fibre, and dyed black. Outside these are three strips of white undressed leaf, probably Freycinetia Banksii, though possibly Phormium The spaces between the apices of the different designs are about three quarters of an inch. These lozenge a (p. 108).
Standing in a rank, or ranks, the poi performers, holding the cord in the right hand, twirl the ball in many ways, outwards, upwards, over each shoulder, etc., etc., all keeping time in such movements. A quick twitch of the string recovers the ball in each movement. Some poi songs commence with the words:—
(Keep time, keep time, keep time; dart outward) and so on, such song giving the signal for each movement. A number of these poi songs are on record in Vol. XXXIV, of the Transactions of the N.Z. Institute. The movements made by the performers, when swaying bodies and limbs in rhythmical motion kept time with the song, showed great proficiency, and were remarkable for ease and muscle control.
It has been suggested that the haka poi was originally a ceremonial performance, and one theory even connects it with phallic worship but is is difficult to see where any proof lies. Nothing is known concerning it to show that it was ever viewed as anything more than an amusement and exhibition of dexterity on the part of the performers.
It is in the haka of the Maori that we see, to some extent, mimetic dancing, and, in a few cases, something like pantomimic drama, an illustration of the latter form being the haka described above, wherein the movements of a carpenter, when using different tools, are imitated. Another phase of expression by dancing is seen in the peace dance already referred to, wherein the girl actors beckon their late enemies to approach, thus intimating that strife is past and that there is nothing to fear. It is clear that, in former times, the Maori was much given to expressing his feelings by means of song and dance, and that a close study of both would be of much interest, as illustrating Maori mentality and certain conventional usages. In such an enquiry the more formal dances would probably present the greatest difficulties;
In some districts the new moon was greeted by women with a haka, as also the reappearance, or heliacal rising of such important stars as the Pleiades.
It here becomes necessary to explain the absence of illustrations of the haka poi. Many photographs of this pastime have been taken, and of these at least some should be available, but they are not.
Dancing alone, without some accompanying song, evidently did not appeal to the Maori. Rhythmic movements and sounds he delighted in, and there is little in our modern European dances to attract him. His dancing was conducted largely as an exhibition, sometimes for mere amusement, occasionally for divinatory purposes.
The writer has often been struck with the facility with which natives compose a song and formulate a series of gestures and postures to haka, and learn to render it correctly in company before a party of visitors. Basil Thomson, in his work on Savage Island, mentions such an instance, when the Niue natives performed a haka before his party:—"It must be confessed that, both in voice and melody they fell far behind the Samoans and the Tongans, but a people who, in a single night, can compose and teach to a chorus of fifty persons, words and music, with the accompanying gestures, is not lightly to be called unmusical." In this work is also found a good account of the haka of the Tonga Group.
In his interesting work Head Hunters: Black, White and Brown, A. C. Haddon describes a performance witnessed at Hood Point, New Guinea, that closely resembles the haka poi of Maoriland. It was performed by girls who manipulated a cord about three feet in length, to the end of which a small netted bag was attached. In this case, however, one end of the cord was attached to the waist belt of the manipulator. States the author:—"They swung it with the right hand, causing it to make a graceful sweep behind the back round to the left side, where it was caught by the left hand. During this manoeuvre the whole body made a half turn. The action was then repeated with the left hand, the tassel being caught with the right hand. Up and down the little damsels walked, well pleased with themselves, and fully conscious that they were the centre of attraction; it was an elegant dance, and really quite charming."
In The Savage South Seas, by Hardy and Elkington, occurs the following description of this poi performance of New Guinea:— "A score of girls … suddenly begin prancing through the village, swinging in their hands a long string at the end of which is a ball. By practised movements they make it curve in grotesque shapes around their bodies, and all the time this is going on they are swinging their skirts backwards and forwards by a peculiar movement of their bodies, from their waists." In these descriptions we have an account of the haka poi of the Maori. I have noted no account of a similar performance in works on the isles of Polynesia, and we have here another of the New Guinea—New Zealand parallels that form an interesting study to the ethnographer.
Illustrations of these posture dances, as described above, should be more numerous, but few photographs were available in the time allowed for preparation of the figures for this paper.
This game, known as torere and mu torere, is one of the most interesting items we have to discuss, on account of its resemblance to our game of draughts, and the existence of a doubt as to whether or not it was a pre-European diversion. The board or diagram used is utterly different in form to that employed by us, there is no crowning of kings, and old natives have stated that, so far as they knew, it was an old Maori game.
Mohi Turei, a well informed and very old man of the Ngati-Porou tribe informs us (1912) that mu torere was the old name for the game, and, in this connection, he quotes an old saying:—"E mu torere mai ana ranei ko utou ki au, e hoa ma !" used in the sense of—"Are you striving against me, or, are you looking for trouble?" Tuta Nihoniho, of the same tribe, stated that the European game of draughts was introduced into that district in the time of his grandfather, probably by sailors, or early traders, or missionaries. In the far off Hawaiian Isles, a game resembling draughts was played, and known by two names, mu and konane. This word mu is also the Maori name for our game of draughts (mu and kaimu), and as mu is the Maori pronunciation of our word 'move,' it has been held by some that it was derived from that word so often ejaculated by our draughts players. If so, then the Hawaiian name of mu may have had a similar origin, though this has been denied. We have no information from any other group of Polynesia as to the existence, in pre-European times, of any game resembling draughts. If aboriginal games of a similar nature, both called mu, were practised at Hawaii and New Zealand, then there ought to be some evidence of a former knowledge of the same at some of the intervening groups.
The most disconcerting fact, if we view mu torere as an old time game, is that it seems to have been unknown to other tribes than those of the East Cape district, and its vicinity. From no other
The following is a description of the game of mu torere, as explained by Tuta Nihoniho:—
A board is marked with charcoal with a design resembling an eight-pointed star (see diagram). The centre form which the arms radiate is termed the putahi, the radiating arms are termed kawai or tentacles, the design being compared by the Maori to an octopus, from which the pattern is said to have been derived. Two persons play this game, each having four perepere or 'men', which are small stones so marked that each player's men may be readily distinguished. One player has his four men on points 1, 2, 3 and 4, the other player puts his four on points 5, 6, 7 and 8. Let B represent the latter player, and A the one who has numbers 1 to 4. The men can be moved only to the points of the design, or to the putahi, or centre. No jumping over an occupied point is allowed, to move a man from one point to another it must be moved to the next point, which must be unoccupied, or he cannot move to it. A player cannot jump a man over an occupied point to put it on a blank one beyond, and there is no taking or crowning of men, it is simply a question of blocking your opponent. A man can be moved to the putahi if it be unoccupied.
B cannot open the game by moving either 6 or 7, as they are tapu (prohibited) for the time being. He can move 5 or 8 to the putahi. He so moves 5, say, into the centre. Then A moves 4 to 5. Then B moves the putahi man to 4. Then A moves 3 to putahi. Then B moves 4 to 3. Then A moves putahi to 4. B moves 3 to putahi. A moves 2 to 3. B moves putahi to 2. A moves 4 to putahi. Now B finds himself piro, or out, and A has won, for B is blocked and cannot move, A having his men on 1, 3, 5, and the putahi, while B has his on 2, 6, 7 and 8. Thus B is effectually hemmed in and has to capitulate.
The player can move a man either way, but only when a point (or kawai) on one side or the other, or the putahi, is open to move into. To avoid defeat it is necessary to ponder over the probable effect of a move, as in our draughts, but it seems to be a much simpler form. See Fig. 26 (p. 113).
When B opened the game 6 and 7 were tapu, because, if he had moved either to the putahi, which is the only place open to place a man on at the opening, then A would have been blocked at the outset, and prevented from making even his initial move, as 5, 8 and the putahi would all have been occupied. This is merely a sample game as explained by our informant, Tuta Nihoniho, of Ngati-Porou.
The board used was sometimes a piece of hewn plank, sometimes a piece of the inner bark of the totara tree, the inner side of which was marked with the design while green, such marks showing out distinctly when the bark dried. To keep it flat and prevent curling while drying, straight sticks were placed on either side of both ends and tied together. In some cases diagrams of a temporary nature were marked on the earth with a pointed stick. Though the design of the diagram is said to have been derived from the octopus, it more closely resembles the patangaroa, or starfish.
If derived from our introduced game, one would suppose that the chequered board would have been retained, as also the taking and crowning of men. The writer has wondered if any form of draughts practised by Asiatic peoples, or Europeans other than English, resembles the above described game. If so, such form may have been introduced by early voyagers.
During the voyage of the Active from Sydney to New Zealand in 1814, when ten Maoris were on board the vessel, Mr. Nicholas relates in his diary that on November 29, 1814:— "Duaterra (Ruatard) and I played together at draughts, in which the proficiency he had made excited no small degree of surprise." Here we have a Maori learning to play draughts as early as 1814.
Later inquiries in the Waiapu district did not clear up the question of the origin of the torere game. Some natives maintained that it was a pre-European usage, others denied this and attributed its introduction to early whalers. One stated that only one man was allotted to each player, and that the board had but six points, instead of eight.
East Coast natives state that Mu Panihi (Spanish draughts) used to be played among them; moving backward was allowed in this game. This form of the game was probably introduced by some strolling Paniora (Spaniard) in the early days of European settlement. I knew a member of that people who was living on the coast some fifty years ago. Personally I am not inclined to view mu torere as an old time Maori game.
Writers do not agree in their descriptions of the Hawaiian draughts board, as the following extracts will show. Prof. W. T. Brigham writes as follows:—"The game of Konane, a favourite one among the upper classes of old Hawaii, was usually played on a wooden board {papa mu) marked with spots arranged either in files or quincuncially, and of indefinite number. In some cases stone took the place of wood, as in a fine specimen in the Bishop Museum. Here a large flat stone 16x24 inches is dotted with depressions (about 120) in files…. The men used in playing were beach worn pebbles of black lava and white coral." He also states that some of the wooden boards were raised on stands, plain or carved.
The Hawaiian game of konane, explains Professor Brigham, derived its common name of mu from the Mu, or officer whose business it was to capture the man needed for sacrifice, or the ends of justice. Apparently this Mu of the far northern isles was a species of neolithic sheriff. If the above be correct, then it disposes of the theory that the common name of the game was derived from the English word 'move,' so far as Hawaii was concerned. The above authority also tells us that the Hawaiian game was played on a flat surface marked with points on which were placed black and white stones to serve as 'men,' the game resembling our draughts, or rather the game called 'fox and geese.' Photographs of some Konane boards kindly sent us by the above authority show the places for the men marked by small pieces of bone let in to the surface; the number of such places, however, on the different boards does not appear to correspond; one shows 180 such marks, others a much smaller number. See Fig. 27 (p. 115).
Lieut. Walpole speaks of a draughts board at the Hawaiian Isles, about a foot long, with eight or nine holes in two rows on one side, in which holes small round pebbles were adjusted, but he does not describe the game.
In Capt. King's account of the Sandwich Isles, we read—"They have a game very much like our draughts; but, if one may judge from the number of squares, it is much more intricate. The board is two feet long, and is divided into two hundred and thirty-eight squares, of which there are fourteen in a row, and they make use of black and white pebbles, which they move from square to square." Presumably this chequered board is a modern innovation, though Ellis, an early missionary, mentions it in the following paragraph:— "This place (Koroa) is also celebrated as furnishing the black and white stones used by the natives in playing at konane, a native game
konane board is generally two feet long, and contains upwards of two hundred squares, usually fourteen in a row. It is a favourite amusement with the old men: and we have known one game, commenced early in the morning, hardly concluded on the same day."
The following is taken from the Bishop Museum Handbook, Part I., 1915—"Konane was played on a flat surface of stone or wood, and somewhat resembled fox and geese, or gobang. Positions on the papa mu were marked by a slight depression on the stone, and often by the insertion of bone, usually chicken, or sometimes human, in wood. There seems to be no definite number of arrangement of places. Beach-worn pebbles, coral for white, lava for black, completed the equipment."
A belated note: I have been informed that in the Spanish game of draughts a great number of pieces are employed, and it is known that Spanish vessels visited the Hawaiian Isles as early as the sixteenth century.
When the Novara was lying at Sikayana Island in Melanesia, in 1858, the natives were found to be well acquainted with the the game
It seems not improbable that the Spanish form of the game of draughts was introduced into the Hawaiian Isles in the 16th or 17th century by Spanish voyagers, some of whom certainly visited the group. The Hawaiian tradition of shipwrecked white folk living among them many generations ago probably refers to Spanish folk. The late Professor Tylor thought that the Hawaiian form of draughts might be related to an old Chinese game of circumvention, and that it was in any case probably of Asiatic origin. Our game of draughts seems to be a modern form of a simplified form of chess, it differs much from ancient games of draughts of Egypt and elsewhere.
If the Hawaiian form of draughts was known in that region in ancient times, or was brought from Asia into the Pacific, how is it that it has not been recorded as known in other isles?
A considerable number of games and pastimes are included in the term kai, it is evidently a generic term including several games, and all forms of riddles, puzzles or guessing competitions. The game of draughts is sometimes called kaimu.
In this game two players sit down opposite each other. Each holds up a hand with fingers outstretched. One holds his hand steady in that position, while the other, closing his eyes, thrusts his hand forward and endeavours to pass his outstretched fingers between those of his opponent. The latter repeats the following charm during the time the attempt is being made:—
When one has had the arranged number of attempts he then holds his hand for the other player to make his trial, and also takes up the repeating of the charm. It appears that attempts to so place the fingers could only be made during the time the charm was being repeated. As the recital was finished so must the attempts cease. This was employed, in some cases, as a kind of divinatory performance; if all fingers locked, it was a favourable omen, if they did not, then it was an aitua (bad omen, unlucky). This game or pastime has also been recorded by the Rev. R. Taylor in Te Ika a Maui.
Concerning this game Dr. Thomson writes:—
"Tutuka is an amusement corresponding to the English game of odd and even. Some article is put into one hand, and on the repetition of certain words, after the manner of conjurors, the spectators are asked to point out in which hand the thing is."
Mr. John White has left us a more detailed account:—
This game is played with a small, smooth waterworn stone. Many players sat in a circle and kept passing the stone from one to another, some kind of jingle of words being repeated at the time. As the repetition of this ceased one of the players, who did not form one of the circle, attempted to guess as to who had the stone. The following is such a charm as was repeated during this game:—
On the recital of the last line (meaning 'Who has it?') the outsider has to guess in whose hand the stone is. When the game commences a player holds the stone up to view and says: "Tenei" (here it is) after which it is passed round the circle from hand to hand but not exposed to view at all. Sometimes a player retains the stone in his hand but feigns to pass it on to his neighbour, who pretends to pass it on to his neighbour and so on. All this is an endeavour to deceive the guesser. The guesser continues until he locates the stone when he who had the stone takes his place.
Mr. White also collected the following, a jingle or ditty which differs somewhat from the above:—
The following was repeated by a child who held some small object in his hand. During the recital another child endeavoured to guess what was so held—
This apparently senseless effusion is said to have sometimes been recited by a chief as a tiwha or hint to his hearers that he proposes to attack some tribe, or slay some person. It was recited by Hone Heke Pokai to Waka at Wai-aruhe, where they met when Heke was returning from the sack of Korora-reka. A fight occurred here, Heke's party being near the Wai-aruhe creek and Waka on the hill known as Puke-rimu.
Regarding these rhythmical jingles sung by young folk when playing games, some have probably suffered in transcription, or in reducing them to writing when collected, and some are undoubtedly corruptions of the original forms. The writer is quite unable to translate them, except in a few cases. The word nu in the above specimen is unknown to us.
Children might be seen playing a similar game to the above, when a child would take some small object in his hand, show it to his playmates, and then bring his hands together and draw them across his mouth. Another then guesses as to where the object is. It may be in either hand, or in his mouth. These, however, are mere childish amusements.
A common form of amusement among young folk in former times was the asking and answering of riddles, termed kai, panga, and maka. The majority of such riddles and puzzles seem to have related to natural objects. The following is a sample of such items:— "He aha te kiri putaputa, kiri honohono, ara i te mua, ara i te muri, whai pane, whai karu, ka tow te hi arero?" (What is the kiri full of holes, joined together, elevated in front and behind, possessing head and eyes, Kir means bark, rind, etc., perhaps here used as we sometimes employ the word shell, to denote a hollow structure, or a light boat frame. The answer to the above is a canoe. The holes are the numerous ones bored to accommodate lashings; the elevated ends are the stern and bow pieces; head and eyes are those of the carved figures, the protruding tongue that on the carved tauihu or prow.
Thomson has left us the following note:—"Riddles form a common amusement among the young of both sexes and the ambiguity of some sets all guessing and laughing. The riddles have little merit, and consist of a play on the meaning or pronunciation of words." Polack writes:—"Playing upon words is an amusement common to the people, and they are adepts in conversing with words each beginning with the same letter. Riddles are also given and expounded."
There was an old usage of communication by means of signs made with the fingers. Each sign represented a word. When the alphabet became known the system was altered so that each sign denoted a letter sound. It is not, however, clear whether the latter method was syllabic, or whether signs were used for vowel sounds as apart from those representing consonants. Presumably it was syllabic, that system being more easily grasped by the Maori, and adopted by him when teaching others to write. The above mentioned practice may not have been universal, and has apparently been forgotten. All such methods of communication, also different ways of signalling are, called rotarota.
Young folk often spoke in some pre-arranged manner most confusing to those listening. A common method was to introduce some foreign syllable after every syllable of the ordinary words uttered. Thus the words "maku tend" might be given as ma-te-ku-te te-te-na-te. Other syllables are sometimes inserted, as shown in Mr. Stowell's Maori-English Tutor, p. 228, where this manner of speech is called korero hunuru.
Signalling by means of whistling was practised in time of war. Certain methods of whistling held certain meanings understood by the party. For example one such conveyed the following:—"Taki-tahitial Takitahitia! Kei kitea koutou." (Scatter out singly, lest ye be seen.)
Here we have to deal with a much favoured recreation of the Maori people, one appreciated by both young and old folks. Young tapu school of learning, but only secondary matter, ordinary traditions, myths, etc., such as were known as korero parukau and 'oven-side' stories, or, as we would say, fire-side tales. Many of these described the origin of man, and the doings of demi-gods and ancient heroes, etc., in a popular manner always viewed by adepts as being good enough for common folk, but by no means correct. The inner or esoteric versions were made known only to a few specialists who passed through the school of learning and its ceremonial.
Some of the stories told were simply retailed as a form of amusement, some were instructive, and some illustrated the advantages of industry, courage, and other qualities. Many showed the dread effects of transgressing the laws of tapu. Some of the fables, such as that of the Ant and the Cicada bear a strong resemblance to those of Aesop.
The Maori is exceptionally good at story telling and his language lends itself to that purpose, such recitals being illustrated by innumerable expressive gestures. On returning from a journey a Maori will keep his friends interested for several evenings by relating his experiences during his journey, no detail of which will be neglected during his recital.
Descriptive of the native love of story telling and relating news, Wakefield says:—"Our friend Jim Crow found many old friends and relations at Pito-one, and his audience was by no means the least numerous or attentive. Nothing can remind one more forcibly of the monkey who had seen the world, than a Maori thus relating news. He is an incorrigible exaggerator, and swells each minute circumstance into an affair of state, taking delight in drawing repeated exclamations of amazement from his audience."
There was no class of professional story tellers in Maoriland, nearly all could tell a story well, or make a good speech. All ordinary stories, myths and folk tales, termed karero tara and korero purakau, were acquired by both sexes, there being no restrictions except in the case of what was deemed high-class matter. Ceremonial recitals, sacerdotal myths, and revered lines of genealogies came under this head.
No specimens of the old folk tales, legends, fables, and children's tales are given here, as such matter would be much too bulky to be inserted, and, moreover, it is proposed to publish them under a more suitable title.
The generic term for flying kites was manu tukutuku, often abbreviated to manu. The word manu (bird) is followed by other terms to denote the different kinds of kites, as manu aute, a kite made of aute bark. In some districts kites are called pakau or pakaukau, or manu pakau, or manu pakaukau; in others kāhu (hawk). Pakau means wing. The flying cord is the aho tukutuku.
The pastime of kite flying was a favourite one with Maori children, but was by no means confined to them, for men also indulged in it to a considerable extent. The superior kites, often the result of much labour and skilful manipulation of available materials, were owned and flown by men, those used by children were small, easily made specimens of common materials, such as the raupo bulrush. Occasionally contests in kite flying were held, whereat would be seen many fine specimens, such as manu aute, and others covered with bright co loured feathers.
The kite seems to have been a product of the East, and not to have been introduced into Europe until the 17th Century. They are said to have been known in China prior to the Christian era. In his Study of Man, Professor Haddon gives illustrations of kites from China, Corea, Japan and the Solomon Isles. He remarks that the old English form of kite was a Javanese pattern. Kites have been known from ancient times in eastern Asia, the Asiatic Archipelago, and throughout the island systems of Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia. Professor Haddon writes that— "Our attention is directed towards Eastern Asia, not only as the headquarters, but also as the place of origin of the kite " He thinks it not improbable that kite flying was a religious exercise in those regions, "and the kite may have been a symbol of the soul or spirit of man."
In Taylor's Te Ika a Maui, we find the following remarks on native kites:—"The figure of the Maori kite is generally a rough imitation of the bird (kahu), with its great outspread wings. See Fig. 28 (below). These kites are frequently made of large dimensions from raupo leaves, a kind of sedge, neatly sewn together, and kept in shape by a slight frame work. The string is most expeditiously formed, and lengthened at pleasure, being merely the split leaves of the flax plant: this is a very favourite amusement." These strings made by tying together strips of Phormium leaf were not used for the superior kites, but only for small, inferior kites used by children. Carefully made twisted twine was made from dressed fibre for the better class of kite. Charms were recited when kite flying in order to cause them to mount well. Another charm was to cause the kites to descend gently to earth, so as to avoid any damage thereto.
Dieffenbach writes as follows of Maori kites:—"Their kite (manu or pakau) is of a triangular form, and is very neatly made of the light leaves of a sedge; it is held by a string made of strips of flax tied together, and its ascent is accompanied with some saying or song, such as the karakia pakau, which I here give." Evidently our Dr. got his ritual matter mixed up; what he gives as a kite flying charm is something quite different. The triangular form mentioned was but one of several shapes.
Colenso has left us the following notes:—"Their flying kites (pakaukau and manu aute), formerly held in great esteem among them, and made of the manufactured bark of the aute shrub = paper mulberry, which was formerly cultivated by the Maoris for its bark. Inferior ones, however, were made of the prepared leaves of some of the larger sedges. They were prettily made, requiring both time and skill in their construction, and much more resembled a bird flying than our English ones. They always served to remind me of those of the Chinese, as we see them in their own drawings, and on their chinaware. The old chiefs would sometimes quietly spend hours amusing themselves in flying them and singing the kite's song, using a very long string. Kites being flown at any village or fort was a sure sign of peace."
Again, he writes:—"Their kites (pakakau) were wholly different from European ones and more resembling those of the Chinese. [See Fig. 30.] They were very ingeniously and neatly made with round and flat rushes, and hovered very prettily in the air. They usually sang or chanted a song to the kite while flying it. Old men often amused themselves with looking on and encouraging the younger
If all Chinese kites resemble the one shown in Fig. 30, then they bear little resemblance to any known Maori form. The former is a good representation of a bird, but in the Maori winged kites the wings scarcely resemble those of a bird, while the human head, and,, in some cases, a human body, mark them as a kind of hybrid form.
There is but little on record concerning Maori kites and kite flying, and this remark may be applied to native games generally. Persons who had opportunities of observing and describing these things, apparently took no interest in them, and placed little on record concerning them. Our early missionaries are very disappointing. Note also Thomson's account of native games; he
In most districts manu (bird) seems to be the general name for kites, manu tukutuku being more explicit, and equal to our expression 'flying kite!' Pakau (meaning wing) also appears to be used in a general sense among some tribes, but is scarcely suitable as such, as some forms of kite were not provided with wings. The word tukutuku denotes the paying out of the cord as a kite is flown. The word whakahoro has a similar meaning, and the expression whakahoro taratahi is met with on the East Coast, where taratahi seems to be the name of the triangular form of kite. A third, and more restricted term for kite-flying is whakaangi, in full whakaangi manu. A fourth term is that of whakaturuturu.
The following account of various forms of kites used in former times was collected by the late Mr. John White, but it is not stated as to which tribe provided the data:—
Manu aute.—A kite, the frame of which is covered with the white prepared bark of the aute shrub. Made and flown by men of rank only. A special charm for this kite.
Manu paitiiti.—A small, common sort of kite made by, or for, children. Easily made.
Manu patiki.—A kite made in the form of a patiki or flounder. This does not require much skill in construction, but a knowledge of the proper charm is necessary in order to make a successful flight.
Manu totoriwai.—A kite made to represent the totoriwai or toutouwai bird (robin). Of curious construction, made only by men, usually by the elders or chiefs, and requiring considerable skill in its manufacture. The elders only were acquainted with the charm by which this kite was caused to make a fine flight.
Manu whara.—A large kite which was tapu, and was made by priests in order to use in certain rites of divination. For this purpose it was sometimes flown over the pa of an enemy which it was proposed to attack. A charm was recited in order to cause it to fly well.
Manu kākā.—A kite made to represent the kaka parrot. The frame work was constructed of small dried rods of manuka, on which were fastened the flower stalks of the toetoe-whatu-manu (a plant so named because it was used for that purpose). This kite was then covered with the red feathers of the kaka, the lighter feathers being selected for the purpose.
In flying the more important kites the flyer was careful to let the line glide through his right hand. To do so with the left hand would be unlucky, as the kite is tapu to Tu (God of war). The kite names above were probably culled from the Wi Marsh M.S. in the Auckland Library.
This usage obtained in former times when a force was about to attack the pa (fortified village) of an enemy. A kite was made of the culms of the toetoe whatu manu, a sedge, and was made so as to measure pae tahi (a fathom) from wing to wing. It was made by the chief tohunga (priestly adept) and certain restrictions prevailed during its manufacture. No member of the force was allowed to partake of food during that time, for the task pertained to the department of Tu, whose tapu affected every act of a war party, and the object of flying it was to gain the aid of Tu (god of war). The string used to fly this kite was not the usual kite cord but merely strips of undressed flax tied together, inasmuch as the kite was not recovered, but liberated. The kite was set up and flown by the tohunga who was careful to slack out the line with his right hand, for that is the tapu. side of man. Were he so forgetful as to do so with his left hand, the act would be an omen of defeat for his party.
Should the kite chance to fly in a lopsided manner it was accepted as a presage of defeat for the party should it deliver an attack. If it ascended in an upright and orthodox position that fact was accepted as an omen of success. While the kite was ascending, the tohunga recited the kite flying charm termed a turn. After the recital of the charm the warriors were at liberty to partake of food and so leave the tohunga at his task. The next act of the latter was to send a karere (messenger) up the cord to the kite. He formed a ring of toetoe leaves round the line, so weaving it that it was about 4 in. in pa, the object being to liberate it from such a point that, when drifting free, the cord thereof would be trailed across the pa of the enemy. Should any of the enemy chance to take hold of the trailing cord, which was more deadly than a 'live' wire, the act was an excellent omen for the attacking force, for it practically ensured the success of an attack on the fort; for that cord possessed magic properties with which it had been endowed by the incantations of the tohunga. When that cord was touched by one of the enemy it meant that their forces would be so affected by the magic rite that victory would assuredly follow an attack on them.
In many cases the inmates of a pa would have no suspicion of the approach of an enemy until they saw the magic kite soaring over their defences.
The toetoe whatu manu of which kites were often made is much like the upoko-tangata in appearance and has the same curious shape, triangular in sectionThe toetoe whatu manu is Mariscus ustulatus The stems are found as much as 5 ft. in length where the plant grows in sheltered places, as among raupo, etc., in swamps.toetoe-kiwi grows in the forest and is not used in kite making. The bird kiwi is said to frequently nest under the leaves of this plant (Gahnia lacera).
Karakia pakaukau=Kite flying charm
Some of the native kites were triangular in form, but there were others of different shapes.
According to Tuta Nihoniho, the ordinary manu tukutuku of the Ngati-Porou district was of just the same bird-like form as that in the Auckland Museum, which was obtained in the Arawa district, except that the legs were longer. The body and head were so made as to resemble those of a man, but the legs were certainly grotesque, and did not resemble those of any known member of the human species. The body was provided with two long narrow wings in manuka formed the basis of each wing, and short, thinner pieces were lashed across these at right angles about four inches apart. This framework was then covered with raupo, the only part of the leaf so used being that part between the roots and the place where the leaves separate, the upper parts being discarded. The outer parts of these leaf bases were stripped off and lashed on to the framework by the nati method of tying, that is as raupo is fastened on to the walls of a house. When flown, the wings of this kite flutter or flap in a manner said to resemble that of a bird's wings. The flying cord was secured to the middle of the body of the kite. This kite had no tail was sometimes ornamented with feathers. The head was sometimes covered with dog's hair.
Some of the kites are said to have measured as much as fifteen feet or more across the wings. Two men manipulated the cord, and two others started the kite by taking it some distance away from the cord holder, and casting it up into the air.
The manu aute had a head but was not provided with legs. The wings of a kite were called the paihau. Other materials of which kites were made on the East Coast were raupo and toetoe upoko tangata, the leaves of which were scraped and then laced on to the framework. Although small kites were made for children, yet the pastime of kite flying was indulged in principally by adults, whose kites were much larger and better constructed than those used by children. The stipes (kakaka) ofPteris aquiline, the common bracken, were sometimes employed for the frame work of kites.
When about to fly one of the large kites, the cord holder takes up his position at a suitable place and he has a companion whose duty it is to attend to the unwinding of the cord from its spool, as the kite rises and the cord is slacked out, an act described by the word whakahoro. The cord is twined round a stick in the same manner as a fishing line is, and not wound in a ball, or across a stick in a straight manner. This attendant sees to it that the cord does not get entangled, that it runs free to the hands of the kaiwhakahoro, or payer out. The latter has to use judgement in his task, as when to pay out line, when to hold it, or draw it in.
To release a large kite two men convey it to a suitable point at some distance from the cord holder, and there raise it into position, one man being stationed at each paihau or wing to raise and release it, which they do when the wind takes control of it. As the kite is takai, ox coiled cord. Some kite cords are said to have been of a great length, Tuta says 20 to 40 kumi (a measure of ten fathoms), but statements of natives regarding lengths and distances are extremely unreliable.
The cord used for flying the large kites was a tamatoru or three strand one, but not made by the whiri or plaiting process, I.e. by plaiting the three strands as we would. It was he mea miro, or rolled cord, and the process was as follows: Two twisted strands (kanoi) were twisted together by the well known rolling process termed miro. A third twisted strand was then prepared and placed ready for use. The two strand rolled cord (known as a tamarua) was then opened out by rolling it in the opposite direction to that employed when twisting it together. This process separated the two strands, and in between them was laid the third prepared strand, and the cord re-laid by the rolling process, the third strand occupying the space between the two original strands. This process of laying was also employed in making fishing lines and other small cords, as the result was a better, neater, closer laid cord than could be produced by the whirl or plaiting methods. Two twisted strands can be rolled into a neat, well laid cord, but the rolling process does not work well with three strands, hence the above described method of introducing the third strand.
The following is one of the many charms repeated in former times when a kite was being flown:—
I have obtained no satisfactory explanation of certain phrases in this charm, and decline to guess at their meaning.
In some cases strings of cockle shells (tuangi) or Turritella were fastened to the head or neck of a kite, and these things made a rattling sound as the kite was agitated by the wind. Should a kite be seen to sag over sideways in its flight, adepts would call out— "Turuki! Turuki!" whereupon the cord tender would slack out the cord (aho) and enable the kite to ascend and regain its steadiness. A downward swooping movement of a kite is described by the term ko (ki te ko te manu, he aitua), and a kite sometimes so dives earthward
When a kite is far up on a long cord, it is unwise to haul in the cord in order to retrieve it, such a method often causes the kite to ripi and ko, to dart to and fro and swoop down. To avoid this dangerous movement, the cord is tamia or pressed down to earth, that is one person remains to hold the cord, while the other, walking along under the cord, runs his hand along the same and so keeps pressing it down as he advances, until, in this manner, the kite is brought to earth. He then unties the cord and carries the kite home, while the cord holder hauls in and winds the released cord.
The better forms of kites were given special names, in many cases the names of ancestors of the owners. It would also appear that, at least in some cases, special names were assigned to the cords by which such kites were flown. Many such names of kites and their cords, of former generations, have been preserved by oral tradition on the East Coast. Thus Te Matorohanga, of Wai-rarapa, repeated a list of forty such names that had been preserved by the tribal whare wananga or school of learning and house of knowledge. Some of these names were those of kites (manu pakau) made at Hawaiki, prior to the settlement of the Maori in New Zealand. There were charms, or portions of such, to prevent kites from becoming entangled with each other, and also to cause them to descend gently to earth, so as not to be broken.
Tuta states that the aute plant became lost to his tribe in the time of his grandparents. The bark of this plant was prepared in strips for fastening on to the frame of a kite, and kites covered with this material were termed manu aute. It was laced on much as raupo (bulrush) leaves are. The bark was stripped off the shrub from the base upwards. Then the inner layer of the bark seems to have been stripped off. This inner bark somewhat resembled a sponge in its texture and was so used by mothers who left their children for a while. They utilised it as apaepae waiu, that is to retain a quantity of milk, which, when the child cried during the absence of its mother, was squeezed into its mouth from the bark as from a sponge, by its aute was grown at the Pou-tiriao pa in the Waiapu district.
When a manu aute was flown, its actions were narrowly watched (It seems to have been sometimes flown as an act of divination, i.e. auguries were drawn from its movements). If it preserved its balance well, and was steady in its flight, that was accepted as a token of success or good fortune, but if it darted about and swooped, the reverse was predicted. As our informant put it in his picturesque phraseology: "He manu tohu aitua te manu aute; mehemea ka ko, he aitua; mehememea ka ata tu, a whiti ana te ra ki tua." (The manu aute foretells ill-luck; if it swoops, it is bad luck, ominous; if it is steady, then truly the sun shines before.)
The karere or messenger sent up on a kite string was a small, flat wooden disc, ornamented with feathers, and with a hole in the middle through which the cord was passed. The wind caught the feathers and carried the karere up the line to the kite.
In some cases special huts were built as places in which to keep the large kites, and these would be known as kite sheds (tawharau manu tukutuku). The kite was placed on a platform or rack made of poles in such sheds. If it was intended to fly the kite, it would be taken out of the shed the previous evening and placed somewhere so that the dew would descend upon it. This dampening process would render the covering of the kite tougher and less liable to injury than it would be in a dry state.
There are a number of references to kites and kite flying in Maori songs. In the following line the poet compares himself, or herself, to a kite:—
"He manu aute au e taea te whakahoro ki te aho tamairo." Here tamairo stands for tamiro, an illustration of the curious native method of rendering a word or line euphonious by inserting extra syllables.
A specimen of the manu taratahi is in the Dominion Museum. See Fig. 31 (p. 134). It was made by Te Tuhi Pihopa of Te Whaiti. This form is triangular, the small end being uppermost when flown. The frame is composed of the culms of toetoe kakaho (Arundo conspicua), three of which are arranged as ribs with the plumes downwards, and an extra one is tied to the central one with its plume projecting upwards. These projecting plumes are the only items of the kite that act as a tail to balance it. The reeds are tied together at the apex and a small rod or piece of reed is lashed across the lower ends in order to brace them. The pieces of raupo leaf are Phormium leaf. A few feathers are attached to the apex and to the bracing rod at the base. The aho or flying cord is attached to the middle reed of the frame. The taratahi is one of the inferior styles of kite, small and not durable, such as were made for children. The large kites flown by adults were of very different construction. The taratahi form of kite is said to take its name from the form of its upper end, where the single plume projects. Small kites, perhaps three feet in length, were sometimes made for children in the pakau form, like that in the Auckland Museum, but of much simpler construction.
There were two forms of kite known as manu patiki, one of a diamond shape, and the other oval or egg-shaped, and both of these had long tails (waero), which were made by tying feathers on to a cord. These kites were so named because they resembled the patiki fish (flounder) in form. The frame of the diamond form of kite was composed of four light manuka rods for the outsides, and another across the middle to act as a brace or tie. At the top was a projecting toetoe plume which served to steady the kite, in conjunction with the tail. At each of the two lateral corners were bunches of pigeon's feathers, which tended to keep the kite upright. Tail feathers of the pigeon were used for the kite tail and side bunches (puhipuhi), of which feathers the tuaka, or quills, had been removed, or rather the feathers (vanes) had been stripped from the quill or shaft in such a manner as to retain a portion of its epidermis. Thus, instead of the plumes being stiff, they were pliant, and thus looked much better when used singly or in bunches than they would if stiffened by their shafts. The covering material, of raupo or some other material, was tied on the framework across and at right angles to the central rod. As an additional bracing to the kite, two cords were tied across it, one between the lateral corners, and one from top to bottom; thus these two cords crossed each other in the centre of the kite, at which place also the flying cord was secured.
The egg-shaped, or balloon shaped kite was simply made by bending a small pliant rod of manuka into the desired form and then lashing straight pieces of rod across it. Across this framework the covering was laced on, and the projecting ends neatly trimmed off round the outside of the frame. The tail, with its bunches of feathers, steadied the kite, if not sufficiently so then small pieces of wood were fastened to the tail in order to render it heavier. The flying cord was secured to the crosspiece in the centre of the kite.
In the Wai-rarapa district the general term for kites was pakau (a word denoting the wing of a bird), while such as had wings attached were described as pakau roharoha (expanded wings). Kakaho (culms of Arundo conspicua) were often used in making the framework, which was covered with leaves of raupo (Typha augusti-folia), kiekie (Freycinetia Banksii), or kuta (Eleocharis sphacelata), or with the prepared bark of the ante (Broussonetia papyrifera). Leaves of the kuta, or kutakuta, a species of rush, were split, scraped and dried as covering for the ordinary child's kite. The horewai was a common form of kite, the frame of which was covered with leaves of the raupo, a common bulrush. It lacked wings but often had bunches of feathers attached to its upper and lower ends; it was used by children. The manu aute was a frame work covered with the prepared bark above mentioned. This was a superior form made in different shapes, one of which, having a body of convex form in front, with head, legs, and long wings attached, was known as a pern. It is doubtful if the aute was cultivated in the Wairarapa district, but it is said to have been grown in the Napier district.
The adornment of kites was not confined to the attachment of feathers, the materials with which the light frames were covered were sometimes dyed certain colours. Hence a kite might be partly black and partly the natural colour of the covering material, or one with a red body might have light coloured wings, or black wings be provided for a light coloured body. Thus there was no uniformity and each owner readily recognised his own kite. Those of superior make were named after ancestors, or a living relative of the owner; even the flying cord might be given a special name.
Some kites were of a great size. When such large kites were to be flown, they were laid on a high scaffold, the top of which was composed of three horizontal bars so fixed that the kite lay in a slanting position at a considerable angle, where it was secured with a cord. When all was ready, then the cord securing the kite to the flying stage was released, and the kite was carried up by the wind as the two cord holders payed out the line. It is said that some of the larger forms of kites had two cords attached to them so that more control was retained over them than could be possible with a single cord. The cord holders in such cases were stationed a considerable distance apart, which arrangement enabled them to check the kite when it swooped.
Manu taratahi were sometimes made specially for purposes of divination. Should such ceremonial be connected with the death of a person, then the kite would be named after such person. Some four hundred years ago there was trouble at Turanga over the death of taratahi kites, which were named after the missing lads, and flown with appropriate ceremonial as an act of divination, in order to discover the person who had been responsible for the disappearance of the boys. Tradition states that both kites persistently hovered over Te Upoko o Taraia, the fortified village of Rakai-hikuroa, situated on a hill near Repo-ngaere Lake, hence a force at once marched to attack that place. The fight ended in the discomfiture of the guilty chief, whose son Tupurupuru was slain.
The occurrence described above opens up an interesting subject, and illustrates an extraordinary belief and practice of barbaric man, one that led to much injustice and undeserved suffering. It emphasises the irresponsible behaviour of persons saturated with supersition and swayed by strange beliefs, and reminds us of the days when we were slaying so-called witches with abominable tortures. On the death of a person it might be that black magic was suspected and so some puerile ceremony would be performed in order to ascertain who the wizard was. A party would then proceed to slay the hapless wizard, and probably others would lose their lives during the affray. All this trouble would be the result of something as trivial as a falling leaf, a puff of wind, or a sigh emitted by a dying person, combined with the qualities above mentioned. The scientist tells us that man has been on the face of the earth somewhere about 200,000 years, yet the ashes of those witch burning fires are scarcely cold. But let us return to our kites.
Young folks occasionally played a joke on their elders by flying a kite at night, and attaching to it a firebrand. They would then run, in great apparent excitement, to their elders and inform them that a fiery demon was darting about in the heavens.
The descendants of Porourangi tell us that, on the death of that ancestor at Whangara, a kite was flown in order to acquaint other places with the fact. Tahu, then living in the South Island, is said to have seen the kite, and so hastened northward!
In the Grey collection at the Auckland Public Library is a Ms. book written by Wi Marsh, a Rotorua native, in which some interesting items may be noted. The task of the writer was to explain obscure passages, etc., in the Maori songs published by Sir George Grey. In a dissertation on the old Maori kite the above writer gives the following information, which, by grace of the courtesy of the librarian of the above institute, we are allowed to make use of:—
The Maori kite was called a manu or pakau (the former word means 'bird,' the latter 'wing,') and these were made for flying during the social meetings of the people, many such being used on those occasions. The names of the different forms of kites were as follows:—
These were the various kites made and flown by the Maori during their social gatherings. At such times many persons would bring kites, each person flying his own. Among a number, only a few, perhaps three, would fly in a perfect manner, quite upright and steady. Some would sag to one side, or be unsteady; while others became uncontrollable, darting violently to and fro until broken by such violent motions.
The writer here depicts in his In another place he says 150 or 200 yards.Ms. a kite of the same form as the specimen in the Auckland Museum, and which was, in former times,, covered with prepared aute bark, and hence termed a manu aute. A cord is shown attached by its ends to the frame of the kite on either side of the neck or head, in the form of a loop, and to this the long flying cord was attached. The writer remarks that a cord for this type of kite was about three hundred yards in length,manu whara and manu kaahu might be 1,200 or even 2,000 yards in length. The Maori, however, has but a very crude idea of distance as expressed in English terms, and we cannot place much reliance on such statements. We are also told that from five to thirty men were employed in flying, or in raising, the kite known as a manu whara, though what thirty men could be needed for around even a large kite is not clear.
The head of the kite was adorned with feathers of the pigeon, and within the head were placed pipi (cockle) shells which made a rattling sound when the kite was agitated by the wind.
The writer speaks of the wings of kites flapping or moving in the wind, a peculiarity also noted by Tuta Nihoniho. The head of the manu whara was adorned with plumes and feathers of the albatross, and bunches of the soft feathers of that bird were attached to its ears.
The manu aute is said to have been the best form of kite to fly, presumably on account of the material it was covered with, but it was not flown to the distance that some others were.
The manu whara was also a fine kite; the sticks of its frame, on which the raupo or other covering material was laced, projected upwards from the body of the kite. Should this form swoop down to earth, these projecting points, if they came in contact with a person, would pierce his body, hence such a movement on its part caused great alarm. On account of its being dangerous, many persons were employed in raising it for flight, for, when the wind caught it, it swooped about like a live hawk. Many persons were employed to hold its cord when flown, and the releasers of the kite moved away from the cord holders some one or two hundred yards, ere they let it go. Such a kite, when restrained, moved and darted about like a good dancer, and, when released, the rattling of the shells in its head resembled the noise made by a ship's anchor chain when the anchor is released. At such a time, it was remarked—"Ahaha! Me te kete kainga e riringi ana ki te pari" (like the sound of a basket of refuse shells being thrown down a cliff), an allusion to a mode of disposing of all refuse when occupying cliff perched forts.
An inferior kite, when released, ascended in a reluctant manner, and swooped back to earth, or shook violently. The shaking is, however, a minor evil, and one that may be remedied; it means that the tahuhu (cord) is too tight and needs slacking. But the kite that swoops about in an erratic manner is doomed to be broken.
The above information given by the native writer was written in explanation of a phrase in a Maori song in Sir G. Grey's published collection (page 113).
The widow composed a lament for Hihi, her dead husband, comparing him to a singing bird on account of his powers as an orator; and to a kite swooping down to earth as being emblematical of his death.
An interesting paper on Maori kites, by Archdeacon Walsh, published in Vol. 45 of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, is based on the above manuscript. It is, however, doubtful if manu aute was ever used in a general sense, or applied to kites made of any other material. Also there is apparently some error in a remark made at page 378 concerning a kite "made of the stems of the kakaho (Arundo conspicua) lashed on to the flowering panicles of the same, no other material being used." The Archdeacon refers to the song or charm repeated by kite flyers as a turu manu. One such in the White Mss. is termed a turu, another is styled a karakia tuku manu pakaukau, a winged-kite flying charm. The transcription of these presents difficulties, hence they are not inserted herein.
The Archdeacon draws attention to a very curious custom, or at least occasional occurrence of former times, in which a flying kite was released and followed, and the land on which it descended claimed and occupied by the kite flyers; he gives several instances of this singular act. The final anecdote in the above paper, that concerning the marooned woman is probably somewhat confused. As told by Te Awanui, of Omarumutu, to the writer, it appears more probable. The woman was marooned on a small island by her jealous husband. She conceived the idea of sending a token to her friends per medium of a kite. Having constructed the kite, she waited until a wind was blowing from the island in the direction of her home, where her own folk lived. She then attached an ornamental pendant she wore to the kite, and allowed the kite to mount to a considerable height ere releasing it. The kite eventually descended in the district occupied by her own people, who recognised the attached pendant and its purport. They eventually found and rescued the maroon, and all ended happily. The adventure is said by Bay of Plenty natives to have been a local one, but may, like many other Maori tales, have been introduced from Polynesia and localised here.
The kite preserved in the Auckland Museum is not an old one, as it is said to have been made in the 'sixties' of last century. It is interesting as preserving the form, or one of the forms, in which the Maori kite was made. It is shown in Fig. 32 (p. 139). Its breadth across the wings is about twelve feet, the wings being widest in the middle of the kite, where they measure 12 in. or 14 in., but only about 5 in. at their extremities. The framework of these wings is composed of twelve small, light wooden rods arranged lengthwise,
The frame is covered with leaves of the raupo, or bulrush, arranged longitudinally and each leaf tied on to the frame. Some European cloth has also been used in places.
The diminutive legs terminate each in four claws. The head is not flat, but has prominent features, brow, nose and lips, and feathers are fastened on it on the upper part. There is no cord attached to the kite.
With regard to the bird shaped kite formerly used, Tuta Nihoniho states that, on the East Coast, the head of the kite was made to resemble that of a man. It was a piece of thin, light wood, flat behind, but had human features carved on it in front, and pieces of Haliotis shell inserted as eyes. Its upper part was covered with dog's hair and ornamented with feathers, such hair being also used as a beard. The wings were not rigid, but were so constructed as to move when the kite was flown, hence it somewhat resembled a bird flying. The wings were of considerable length, and came to a point at the ends. Two legs were formed below, and the flying cord was secured to the middle of the kite.
A kite made by an old native of the Bay of Islands district shows a rectangular form with two short wings or projections of similar form. The frame is composed of rush stems about one line in thickness and the covering is composed of dried flattened leaves of upoko-tangata, a sedge. The specimen is merely a small kite, such as were used by children, but is interesting because such items have not been deemed worthy of collection in past decades, though useful as illustrations of old time Maori life. This kite is shown as Fig. 33 (p. 141).
The strongest part of the frame is the middle, where four rush stems are placed together, two on either side of the thin sedge leaf covering material. Near the outer edges of the body of the kite are two such ribs, each formed of two rush stems, one on either side of the leaves. These opposing ribs are, in each case, bound to each other by a running lacing of fine Phormium twine, passed round the two, or four opposing stems between each two leaves. These flattened leaves are from ⅝ to ¾ of an inch in width. In the centre of the spaces on either side of the midrib a lacing of fine twine serves to keep the leaves in position. The wings are stiffened and the body braced
This little kite is fourteen inches deep in the body, and eleven inches wide, the wings projecting out three inches on either side. The structure is extremely light, and this item is but a child's toy, a diminutive specimen, but it is probably the only one of an upoko-tangata kite in existence.
The above described kite was made by an old native of the Taiamai district, and was obtained by Mr Neilsen of Ohaeawai. He remarks that additional pieces of rush should be inserted in the wings. The cord was secured near the middle of the kite, and the place to attach it so that the kite would balance well was found by experimenting. If it flew in a lopsided manner, then the cord would be moved a little, until the fabric balanced well in flight.
In his story of the life of the Maori chief Nuku-pewapewa, Mr. Downes gives some account of a curious use of a kite made in the Wairarapa district about eight generations ago. It appears that Nuku was trying to take a fortified village known as Maunga-rake, which, however, defied all his efforts at first. He then conceived the brilliant idea of lowering a man from an adjacent cliff or hillside by means of a kite, under cover of night; so that he might open up the gateway of the pa to admit the besiegers; the garrison keeping no watch apparently. The story goes:—"He built a huge raupo kite, something in the shape of a bird with great extended wings, and during the darkness of night he fastened one of his men to this kite and floated him over the cliff by means of a cord into the pa below. The man quietly opened up the entrance, and when all was ready, at a given signal, Nuku lowered his men, four and five together by means of a forest vine, and before morning the pa was taken." Such is the legend. We are not told why it was necessary to lower
The name kopekope was applied by a native to a kite furnished with a round head that had features marked on both sides of it. Presumably the word applied to the covering material of the kite frame.
According to the Rev. R. Taylor, toetoe nati pakau is the name of a grass used in making kites. It is probably another name for Mariscus ustulatus. The word nati describes the lacing process by means of which the Maori fastened things together side by side, as in the covering of a kite frame with leaves.
We have now seen that the native kites were of several different forms, bird shaped, triangular, oval, lozenge shaped, and the peculiar cross-like Ngapuhi form. Another style, of triangular form, formerly made by the Tuhoe folk, was not uniform in outline, but irregular, showing two short projections on either side. (See Fig. 31, p. 134). Some of these kites were used without any form of tail, or balancing attachment of a trailing form, others were, apparently, provided with such attachments.
No information is available as to kite flying as an amusement at Fiji, but the war kite mentioned by Thomson is explained by Wilkes:—"A town, when besieged, has also its signal of pride. This consists of a sort of kite of a circular shape, made of palm leaves, and decorated with ribands of white and coloured tapa. When an enemy approaches the town, if the wind be favourable, the kite is raised by means of a very long cord. The cord is passed through a hole made near the top of a pole thirty or forty feet in height, which is erected in a conspicuous part of the town. The cord is then drawn backwards and forwards through the hole, in such a manner as to be kept floating as a signal of defiance immediately over the approaching enemy."
Ellis gives uo as the Tahitian name for a kite, and remarks:— "The Tahitian kite was different in shape from the kites of the English boys. It was made of light native cloth, instead of paper, and formed in shape according to the fancy of its owner." A native of Tahiti informed the writer that pauma is the general term for kites, and that pauma uo is a name applied to one kind, which is covered with uo, a kind of bark cloth.
In his Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, the Rev. W. Gill gives illustrations of three different forms of kites used by the Cook Islanders. The ua-moa (hua moa=hen's egg) is an oval kite resembling a Maori form noted above. See Fig. 34 (p. 143). The perue has wing extensions, and the taiaro is a diamond form. In each case a bunch
ti leaves tied on at intervals, and a bunch of feathers at the lower extremity. The taiaro has six of the yellow bunches attached to its tail, and these are said to represent the six stars of the Pleiades. The perue has three such bunches, to correspond with Tautoru (the three bright stars in Orion's Belt). The ua-moa has four bunches, to correspond with the Twins and their parents.
In Fig. 35 we have a peculiar form of kite from the New Hebrides, while Fig. 36 shows another from the Banks Group.
In the Hawaiian Isles kites appear to have been termed lupe (Maori rupe), a name applied to the dove and wood pigeon. In shape it was long and narrow, like the kites of the Gilbert Islands and made of pandanus leaves, or of bark cloth.
In the Solomon Group kites were used by fishermen, who attached their lines to the cord of the kite, which was flown from a canoe. One of these palm leaf fishing kites is in the British Museum and is shown in Fig. 37, as taken from the Edge-Partington Album, first series. This kite is 32 inches by 12 inches.
The late Professor Tylor has told us that kites were introduced into Europe about three centuries ago from Asia where kite flying was patronised by persons of all ages. Kites have been known in China from very early times and probably originated in South Eastern Asia. This writer believed that kites spread from Malaysia to the Pacific Isles.
Stilts are known to the Maori as pou turu, pou toti, pou koki and tokorangi (or pou toko-rangi). The Rev. R. Taylor has recorded the name of ara poraka, which is presumably a modern name, the word poraka being the Maori pronunciation of 'frog.' In his work Te Ika a Maui, however, the above writer employs a genuine name:— "There was also the turu-pepeke, or tumbling head over heels, walking with pou turu or stilts, the rourou [? ruru], a game played with stones in the hands; the kai is a puzzle to undo a knot, or find out a riddle."
In some cases the footrests of stilts were simply the fork of a branch, the pole used being often a sapling of mako (Syn. Makomako. Aristotelia racemosa), an extremely light wood when dry, in others the footrest was a separate piece lashed on to a pole shaft. Stilts were termed pou koki among the Ngati-Porou folk, and were made by lashing a short piece of wood across the pole to serve as a foot-rest (teka). Then a short piece of cord was tied by one end to the outer end of the teka and by the other to the shaft or pole (pou) a foot or so above, so as to act as a support. Thus, when the foot of the stilt walker was on the rest, it was inside the supporting cord. In some cases adepts placed the foot rests four or five feet up the shaft. Youths and young men engaged in this practise, as well as children. Stilt races were indulged in, as also wrestling on stilts, the latter exercise resulting, as may well be imagined, in many falls. Another pastime was the crossing of rivers, streams, or pools on stilts, an exercise that resulted in many falls, to the delight of the onlookers. In some places wading in the sea on stilts was practised.
In Fig. 38 (p. 146) we have in A an ex-member of the Maori Pioneer Battalion, one Apera-hama posing for the camera man, while B shows a pair of stilts made by an East Coast native.
Stilt walking was apparently practised throughout Polynesia, but is noticed very briefly by writers, with the exception of Porter. Ellis dismisses Tahitian stilt walking with the following brief note:— "Walking on stilts was also a favourite amusement with the youth of both sexes. The stilts were formed by nature, and generally consisted of the straight branches of a tree, with a smaller branch projecting on one side. Their naked feet were placed on this short branch, and thus, elevated about three feet from the ground, they pursued their pastime."
In his Journal of a Cruise to the Pacific Ocean (1812-1814) Captain Porter gives a detailed account of the stilts used by the natives of the Marquesas:—"Each stilt is composed of two pieces; the one, of
I will now describe the detachable footrests for stilts from the Marquesas referred to above. These carefully formed and carved rests must have been attached to the shafts in the same manner as was adopted by the Maori in securing a footrest to his ko or digging implement, namely by lashing. The faces that would come into contact with the shaft are concave, evidently so formed in order to fit round poles. These straight faces are ten inches in length and 1¾ in. wide. The outer, upstanding part of the implement projects 3¼ in. above the tread. The straight part or shank of the rest is not adorned with any pattern, its surface being rough, as though it had been chipped with an extremely blunt tool. The projecting rest, above and below, as also the body of the figure supporting it, are adorned with a simple design, small parallel grooves about ten to the inch. These grooves form straight lines in nearly all cases, a few curved lines appear on the upper surfaces of the projecting parts. These small grooves or channels scarcely seem to have been cut out, rather do they bear the appearance of having once been formed by a rubbing or scoring process, possibly by means of stone rubber. The whole step has been cut out of the solid, including the supporting figure, a grotesque representation of the human form. This description is of little service without an illustration, but unfortunately the footrests seem to have been mislaid since I wrote the description eight years ago. [They are in the Museum's collections Fe. 321.]
A form of toboggan was used by young native folk, the pastime consisting of sliding down a steep slope on a small piece of plank. In the Tuhoe district this board was known as a reti, and the sliding ground as retireti. Papa reti might be applied either to the plank or the slide itself. This plank sled was about six or eight inches in width and perhaps thirty inches in length. Two projections were left on the upper surface, when being hewn out, and these served as shoulders to brace the feet against, one foot being placed behind the other. In some cases these planks were embellished with carved designs. A slide was made on a steep slope, the surface of which was rendered slippery by means of throwing water on it. Fig. 39 shows a toboggan board made by Te Puia Nuku of the Tuhoe tribe.
Among the Ngati-Porou folk of the East Coast the sled or toboggan was known by the names of panukunuku, horua and toreherehe. A makeshift article was simply the head or upper part of a kouka (Cordyline australis) with a short piece of the stem. The performer sits on the thick bunch of leaves and holds up the stem between his legs, and in this manner slides swiftly down some grass covered slope. The manufactured wooden sled consisted of a piece of plank, a hewn slab about one foot wide, the front end of which was 'sniped' as sled runners are, in order that it might not catch in the ground, but slide over it with ease. The performer sat on the board and placed his feet on the same, holding on to a cord secured to the front of the plank. In this manner players descended smooth grassy slopes with great swiftness. In some cases the sled might be ornamented with a carved design at the front end, such as a grotesque human head with eyes of Haliotis shell. Children sometimes used a fan of Phormium leaves in place of the head of Cordyline.
The better type of toboggan, as made on the East Coast, was a piece of hardwood plank, matai (Podocarpus spicatus) and maire Olea) being timbers preferred for this purpose, about thirty inches long and ten inches wide. Occasionally one would be made long enough to accommodate two persons, one sitting behind the other. The foremost end of the plank was curved upward like that of our sleigh runners. They were occasionally rubbed with shark oil. Sometimes the turned up end was adorned with a carved design. Immediately behind the turned up front a peg inserted in the plank provided a hand grip for the rider. The sliding ground was carefully prepared, and certain songs or juvenile jingles were chanted by performers; these do not appear to have been preserved. In contests between riders a system of handicapping seems to have prevailed.
Mr. George Graham of Auckland, has provided the following note on the use of the horua or toboggan in late times:—"Papa horua was a favourite child's pastime at Awataha. A particular slope there bears the smooth grassy face where I remember the native children sliding down on planks, called koneke. The bank ended abruptly at high water mark, and at full tide the game was indulged in, the one who slid the furthest out into the bay was held to be the most skilled. A brief recital of some kind was uttered by players ere commencing to slide." In this case the players appear to have ridden the wooden plank out on the surface of the water, a simple kind of water chute.
The name horua was evidently brought from Polynesia, for we find the same term applied to the toboggan at the Hawaiian Isles. Note Ellis's remarks: "The horua has for many generations been a popular amusement throughout the Sandwich Islands, and is still practised in several places. It consists in sliding down hill on a narrow sledge; and those who, by strength or skill in balancing themselves, slide farthest, are considered victorious." He goes on to describe a sled very different from the primitive Maori horua, or reti. The Hawaiian item was composed of two long narrow runners, from seven to twelve, or eighteen, feet in length, and two or three inches deep, smoothed and 'sniped' at the front ends like the runners of any ordinary sledge. These runners were about two inches apart at the front end, and five inches at the rear end. They were fastened together by means of cross pieces, and on the top of these two fore and aft pieces were secured. These latter were grasped by the rider, as he lay breast downward on the toboggan. We are told that much practice and skill were necessary in order to balance oneself on so narrow a vehicle. The sliding grounds on hillsides seem to have been from one to two hundred yards long.
In Part I. of the Bishop Museum Handbook, 1915, appear a few remarks on this pastime, hee holua, coasting, as it is termed. Here hee represents Maori heke, and holua shows the change of r to l. The following extract from the above work shows the Hawaiian toboggan to have been a much more elaborate affair than that employed by the Maori of New Zealand:—"A most dangerous but fascinating sport of sliding down a hill over a prepared course on a sled made for the purpose. The holua or track was built with great care on some steep hill, sometimes six yards in width, made smooth and of even slope, and when covered with dry grass was very slippery. The sled was built of hard, tough wood, as shown (in Museum specimen No. 320)…. The long runners (11.2 feet) are narrow like a Norwegian ski, were placed less than three inches apart, and bound to a frame which the rider grasped, and, running for an impetus, threw himself headlong down the hill. This was an eminently aristocratic game, prohibited to all below the alii [Maori ariki, a high chief]. Children coasted down grassy slopes as they still do on a bunch of ki leaves [Maori Ti=Cordyline]."
This form of swinging was a mere pastime, and did not call for the skill displayed by a successful manipulator of the moari. The tarere or kautarere was a natural form of swing occasionally found at some suitable place, that is where a tree was found growing on a sideling, leaning outwards, and on which was growing a suitable aka (stem of climbing plant). Such an aka would be severed at the base of the tree, and near the lower end would be lashed on it two pieces of wood in the form of a cross. Then one end of a short rope was secured to each of the four points of the cross, the four ropes pulled taut and secured by the other ends to the aka some feet above the cross. Four boys take their station on the kautarere, one standing on each arm of the cross and holding on to the rope stays and the vine. When ready to start, the aka was released and swung away out into space with the riders, then swung back to the starting point and so on. As the apparatus swings out, one rider chants:—
Whereupon his three companions sing:—
Then the one voice:—
And three voices:—
These lines were chanted to an extremely slow measure, as they were timed to the swinging of the tarere, the words were slowly drawled out by the riders. Accidents sometimes occurred by falling from these swings, or by the aka breaking adrift. Tuta relates such an experience of his youthful days, when, through the lashings carrying away, he and three companions were piled up in a heap away down a hillside, the result being a few broken bones.
The Tuhoe folk have two names for this form of swing, tarere and himorimori. In some cases no crosspiece was lashed on to the pendant vine, the swingers clinging with both hands to it, as to a moari rope, a form of swinging by no means unknown to our own bush dwelling folk, as the writer can testify.
In occasional cases the swing was a plaited rope, and to this was secured another that served as a pulling cord, whereby it was kept going.
Ellis, in describing games and pastimes of the Tahitians, writes:— "They were very fond of the tahoro, or swing, and frequently suspended a rope from the branch of a lofty tree, and spent hours in swinging backwards and forwards. They used the rope singly, and at the lower end fastened a short stick, which was thus suspended in a horizontal position; upon this stick they sat, and, holding by the rope, were drawn or pushed backwards and forwards by their companions."
The pastime known as seesaw was also indulged in by Maori children; it was called tiemi and pioi. The limber branch of a tree, preferably of a prostrate tree, was a favourite pioi. A curious anecdote connected with such a swing is recorded in Vol. XXXIV., Transactions of the N.Z. Institute, p. 64.
This pastime was a common one among native children, but they do not appear to have appreciated skipping alone, as our children do. In Te Ika a Maui we read:—"Piu. Skipping. Two generally hold the rope, whilst a third skips over it; sometimes one end is tied to a post, one twirls the rope, while several jump over at the same time. It is also used by one person, the same as with us."
Tuta Nihoniho contributes the following:—In the pastime piu, or skipping, it was seldom that a person skipped alone, but several skipped at once, sometimes as many as five or six, a long rope being used, with a person at each end to swing it. The skippers repeated the
Natives of the Tuhoe district state that two persons swing the cord while several children skipped at the same time, as the cord swingers sang:
The Rev. W. Gill speaks of the natives of the South Sea Islands as using green stems of Entada scandens as ropes. "This plant has from time immemorial supplied the young people of these islands with swings and skipping ropes. In skipping it is usual for two or three young men at each end slowly to swing round and round the long living rope, whilst a number of girls skip in perfect unison."
Thus it appears that short skipping ropes, manipulated by a lone skipper, were seldom used by the Maori. Two persons swung a long rope, and several players skipped at the same time. See Fig. 39a (p. 152).
Tops were certainly in use in Polynesia and New Zealand in pre-European times. In Banks' Journal of Cook's first voyage we read:—"Amongst other knicknacks, Dr. Solander bought a boy's top, which resembled those our boys play with in England, and which they made signs was to be whipped in the same manner." This occurred at Tolaga Bay, on the East Coast of the North Island.
The Maori used both whip tops and humming tops, but not the peg top. The following names for tops have been collected:—
In Te Ika a Maui we read:—(See Figs. 40-41-42, pp. 155-156-157) "The whipping top is another game which is played in every part of the island; the top used is more of a cone and of less diameter than our English one, but in other respects just the same."
The marae potaka, or top spinning ground, was a level and often carefully prepared space. The whip top is spun by winding the lash of the whip round it, and then pulling the whip vigorously so as to cause the lash to unwind rapidly, thus causing the top to revolve at a like rate. The whip (kare or ta) was made by tying strips of Phormium leaf to a wooden handle.
In playing with whip tops, they were, in some cases, whipped over small mounds or ridges of earth, termed karangi, or a form of hurdle. A series of such artificial ridges was sometimes formed, the central one thereof being the largest, with sufficient space between them to enable players to manipulate their tops. In contests, the player who kept his top spinning the longest while whipping it along the ground and over the hurdles, won the game.
The terms hikawe and tikawe were employed by native friends to describe the whipping of tops over obstructions. One explained that an old form of contest was the striving to whip a top over a marked line. Two boys whipped the same top as they stood in a space between two parallel lines, each strove to whip it over the opposite base line, while his opponent was lashing against him.
In some cases tops were ornamented by countersinking small pieces of shell, either a white shell or that of Haliotis iris. The double ended top was made to change ends, to reverse itself, by means of the whip. Matai (Podocarpus spicatus) and mapara, the hard weathered heart wood of Podocarpus dacrydioides (kahikatea) were favoured material for tops, also kowhai, rohutu and ramarama. The whip top had a flat top, which lent itself to the style of ornamentation mentioned above. The spinning of tops was not confined to children, any more than was kite flying; adults sometimes indulged in the pastime, and some of the whip tops used by them were quite large. Contests sometimes took place with whip tops, two players whipping their tops against each other until one was knocked over and so put out of action. Players also raced their tops against each other.
Occasionally these tops were made from stone; there are two such in the Whanganui Museum, and a number in the Auckland Museum.
In his Head Hunters Black, White and Brown, Professor Haddon gives some account of the mode of whipping tops in the Mekeo district of New Guinea. "Two rows of four or five boys stand a considerable distance apart; each lad spins his own top, and they gradually increase the severity of the lashing till the tops career in midair across the space between the two rows."
The ordinary form of humming top was similar to the whip top, but from its upper end projected the horn round which the string was wound. See Figs. 44-45-46 (pp. 158 and 162). The papa takiri or handle, a flat piece of wood about six inches long and half an inch wide, was not slipped over the horn or upright projection, as with us, but was simply held against it. The fingers of the manipulator's left hand kept it and the top in position, as he pulled the string with his right hand. The horn or shaft of this top was not an inserted piece but cut out of the solid. Among the Ngati-Porou folk a different form of handle was used, as explained by Tuta Niho-niho:—
The potaka kukume, or humming top was made, body and shaft, from a single piece of wood. The cord was wound from the top of the shaft downwards to its base. Then a small stick, like a diminutive shepherd's crook, was hooked by the left hand over the cord held in the right hand, and slid along the cord until it rested sideways against the base of the shaft. Then, with a finger curled round the shaft to keep it in position, the operator pulled the cord vigorously with his right hand, thus causing the top to revolve and the cord to unwind.
These tops and sticks were sometimes given special names, such as those of ancestors, and carved on the sides and top, the top and sides also being adorned with pieces of bright hued Haliotis shell countersunk therein. They were usually made of matai wood.
The humming tops that remained spinning for a considerable time were said to possess a long breath, which was considered desirable. Sometimes a number of players would start their tops, then each
potaka anewa, whereas one that rolled or wobbled as it revolved was described as a whero kai kamakama, an expression that was also applied to a woman of unsteady habits.
Our worthy friend Tuta Nihoniho included the humming top among musical instruments, and who shall say it was not so, if the tirango, pahu and pu kaea be admitted.
Of a humming top that made a considerable sound it would be said:—"Kai te potaka a Mea wheo ana te tangi." (What a whizzing sound So-and-so's top makes.) Wheo is a sound word, an example of onomatopæia, such as is frequently noted in the Maori tongue.
Humming tops were made of matai (Podocarpus spicatus) or ramarama (Myrtus bullata) at Wai-rarapa. The body of the top and its projecting upper piece were cut out of the one block of wood. This form of top is known as a whitirea among the Kahungunu tribe, and some had longitudinal (perpendicular) ridges or sharp angles, termed io, cut on them. This form is said to have been invented by some person at Pangopango, at Hawaiki (Polynesia). In some cases these tops had speical names assigned them.
Adults indulged in the pastime of spinning these tops, and contests were held with them, being won by that which continued spinning for the longest period of time. Those that made the loudest sound seem to have been the most highly prized.
Short ditties were sometimes chanted by spinners of humming tops. As a rule two lines were sung, and then, at a signal word, all players started their tops spinning. The following is a sample of such couplets:—
At the repetition of the word Hei! all tops are spun.
The potaka hue or gourd humming tops were made of small sized gourds as a rule, occasionally a medium sized one was employed for the purpose. In order to form a spinning point a stick was thrust right through the middle of the gourd so that its ends projected, that at the bottom as a spinning point, and that at the top as a shaft or spindle on which to wind the cord. One or two holes were made in the sides of the gourd in order to cause it to hum well when spun. It was through the holes made for these purposes that the dried up pukahu or inside matter of the gourd was abstracted. It took two persons to set spinning one of the larger gourd humming tops, one to hold the papa takiri or spinning stick, and another to pull the cord.
When a certain meeting was held in the Wai-kato district prior to the war, for the purpose of discussing the matter of electing a Maori "King," a curious trial of humming tops was made, of which the following singular story is told, a story for the truth of which I decline to vouch … The Wai-kato folk proposed that the representatives of each tribe should make a humming top, and that the tribe whose top hummed the loudest in a competition should have the privilege of electing one of its members as Maori "King." The proposal was agreed to, and each of the visiting tribes made a humming top of matai wood, the favoured material, and assembled for the contest. But the local folk of Waikato made a large potaka hue, or gourd top, which they named Te Ketirera, and which hummed so loudly that its owners easily won the contest, and thus elected Po-tatau as "King." On such small issues does the fate of a king sometimes depend!
The song chanted when Te Ketirera was spun runs as follows:—
At the conclusion of this stanza the top was spun. Another such runs:—
The peculiar wailing sound made by these humming tops appears to have resembled the wailing or moaning sounds made by natives when mourning for the dead, at least to the Maori ear, hence a very curious custom that obtained in the Bay of Plenty district, and probably elsewhere. This was nothing less than employing tops in ceremonial mourning for the dead. Death was viewed by the Maori as the fell work of Aitua (misfortune), and tears and wailing are said to avenge the afflictions of Aitua. This is a survival from times when everything was personified, hence in funeral speeches we still hear quoted an old, old saying:—Ko Roimata, ko Hupe anake nga kaiutu i nga patu a Aitua (Tears, etc., alone are the avengers of the strokes of misfortune). Thus, when a lament for the dead was chanted, either a natural death or for those slain in battle, it might be so arranged that humming tops should provide the usual orthodox moaning, or serve as an addition thereto. This represented the murmuring wail of the mourning widows or other relatives of the dead. Such songs as were composed and sung in this manner are known as whakaoriori potaka.
When a clan had been defeated in battle, and visitors came to condole with them, all assembled on the plaza of the village, and there chanted the lament for the dead. At the conclusion of each couplet of the song, many tops were spun, and these wailing tops helped to avenge the defeat, as the Maori puts it. With this curious act, and mental attitude, may be compared the equally singular one connected with the moari swing already described, and the Thibetan praying wheel.
In the Bay of Plenty it is said that the above custom fell into disuse after the arrival of Europeans, but was revived after the the defeat of the Orakau garrison by British troops in 1864. When the Whakatohea and Ngati-Porou clansmen were defeated by our forces at Maketu, the following whakaoriori potaka or top song was composed and sung in the above described manner in many native hamlets:—
As the last word was repeated, the tops were spun. When run down, they were restrung, another couplet was sung, and the tops spun again. This occurred at the conclusion of each couplet of the song—
It is useless to translate these effusions without explanations from some person acquainted with the circumstances.
In his work Head Hunters Black, White, and Brown, dealing with the native folk of the Torres Straights and New Guinea regions, A. C. Haddon refers at p. 40 to a curious native usage, the spinning of tops during funeral ceremonies.
The following was obtained from Ngati-Porou sources:—
He Oriori potaka takiri. A top spinning song.
This was a contest between two parties of top spinners, one representing the taha kingi (Maori King movement of Waikato) and the other the taha Kawanatanga or Government side during the pona kareao referred to were short lengths of green supplejack cane used in place of bullets.
In Fig. 46 (p. 162) the whip top shown is adorned with carved designs.
Mr. R. Etheridge describes a gourd top of North Queensland:— "The toy is made of a small gourd about three inches in diameter, besides the holes for the axial stick the gourd is pierced by four holes." In his Presidential Address to the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, 1902, W. E. Roth states that this Queensland gourd top was spun "by twirling with the flats of the open hands," no string being used, while the pierced holes to make it hum have only been introduced of late years.
A curious note is to hand concerning ceremonial top whipping in one of the churches of Paris, said to be mentioned in Hone's Every Day Book, Vol. I., but no particulars are available.
The hoop was known to the Maori as a toy, but, so far as can be ascertained, was not so much favoured by children as the top and kite were. Apparently the hoop was never trundled as with us, that is, by the use of a stick. Tuta Nihoniho contributed the following note on the subject:—"In the game of pirori, two players stand some distance apart, and throw the hoop overhand so that it will roll towards the other player; it is not struck or trundled with a stick. Should the rolling hoop fail to reach the opponent, then the thrower loses. This game is sometimes called porotiti, a word meaning to roll, or revolve. This latter name was also applied to a childish amusement of joining hands so as to form a circle, whereupon that circle revolves, singing childish songs."
Thomson, in his Story of New Zealand, gives us a brief note:— "Pirori, or porotiti, is played with an oval piece of wood, or a hoop, which is thrown by one party and beaten back by another standing opposite. If the hoop is not completely driven back the game is won by the party throwing it, as the result proves the projector the stronger." It is doubtful if all hoops used were oval. Several made by natives for the writer were circular hoops made by bending and lashing pieces of aka (stems of climbing plants).
The late Mr. John White's Mss. contain the following notes:— When a hated enemy was slain it sometimes occurred that a portion of his body would be flayed, and the skin stretched over a hoop which was then used as a plaything by the people. When Te Karawa pa, a mile or more from Te Ruaki pa, east of Hawera, they skinned his buttocks, which were adorned with the rape design of tattoo, and stretched the skin over a hoop of supplejack. This hoop was trundled back and forth across the village plaza amid the shouts and jeers of the people. The spirit of revenge was the cause of ferocious acts in Maoriland. The above incident occurred in 1826. Hoops were evidently not propelled with a stick but were trundled, or thrown by hand, so as to roll across the playing ground, the players standing on opposite sides of such ground.
The Maori hoop was smaller than those used by European children. In the Tuhoe district a number of young folks joined in a contest in which a hoop was the centre of activities. There were several players on each side, and the parties were arranged on opposite sides of a straight line marked on the ground. The hoop was thrown by one of the players so as to strike the ground and rebound there-from across the line. The players on that side of the line would endeavour to drive the hoop back across the line by means of striking it with sticks. So far as I could gather the hoop served as a sort of shuttlecock, both sides striking at it with sticks. Should the hoop fall flat on the ground, then the side on which it so falls is out.
This game was known as taupupuni, taupunipuni, whakapupuni and piri. It seems to have been the same as that practised by our own children.
The game of Wi is similar to that termed tag by European children, if my dulled memory serves me. All the players but two stand still a little distance apart, sometimes in two parallel ranks, at others they form a ring with clasped hands. One player tags (papaki) another, and the former becomes the kiore (rat) who is pursued by the tagged one. The kiore keeps dodging swiftly about among the group, doubling and turning as much as possible. The pursuer (kai-whai) must follow exactly in the trail of the kiore and make every turn that he does, that is imperative. When the kiore is tagged he becomes piro, or out, and must then fall out. If a pursuer does not follow exactly in the steps of the kiore, the omission puts him out. It is a game demanding the exercise of much nimbleness. By tagging others the game may be continued for a long time.
The above is the form of this game as played by children of the East Cape district. Another form, explained by a member of the Tuhoe tribe, differs considerably, reminding one somewhat of our 'prisoners base.' It runs as follows:—A circle, termed the wi, is marked on the ground, and around this the players stand. The keeper of the wi, or base, is selected by means of a counting out process similar to that employed among ourselves. One recites the following apparently meaningless words in the manner of our 'ena, dena concertina,' and ticking off the members of the circle with his finger as he proceeds:—
The member at whom his finger points at the repetition of the last word, falls out, and the process is repeated until but one remains, who becomes the base keeper. The other children then endeavour to enter the circle or base without being tagged by the base keeper. If one is so touched before he has crossed the line, then he must assist the base keeper in defending it. Those who enter without having been touched are said to have won. An East Coast note mentions a form of wi in which there were four bases or stations, and each had its base keeper.
The counting out process is called tatau tangata or person counting. There is some evidence to show that it was practised as a pastime by itself, not in connection with a game, as described above.
Of a similar nature were the rhythmical jingles termed Tatai whetu and Tatau manawa. These were repeated by children in one breath, a player not being allowed to take breath during the recital. The test does not appear to be a difficult one. The following is a sample of these effusions:—
A rhythmical but apparently meaningless jumble of words.
Now this jingle was also used as a Tatai whetu, which is a very useful manifestation of thaumaturgy, so long as one possesses true faith. The repetition of this weird composition had the desirable effect of preventing a frost. Combined with certain actions it would dispel a frost, and hence it was utilised by the men of yore when a
maianga (urinal) of the hamlet, and walk round it, waving his firestick in the air as he did so. He then cast away the brand, and, facing the east in manner orthodox, he recited the above gibberish, apparently as a form of charm. As he did so, he checked the stars off with extended forefinger, as one does when counting a number of objects. The following is another version of the Tatai whetu employed on such occasions:—
The breath holding competition recital was also known as pu manawa, and as tatau kaho, or batten counting. The latter name arose from the habit of apparently counting the roof battens of a house during the recital. Any one failing to repeat the whole in one breath fell out of the game.
The Rev. R. Taylor describes this as a game in which boys stand on their heads and beat time with their feet. Tuta Nihoniho applied it also to the turning of somersaults, and poteteke to walking on the hands. The late Mr. John White wrote:—In this game a person stood on his head, with his legs in the air and repeated the following jingle, but he must finish it while in that position. If he falls before it is finished, he loses and is counted out:—
Shortland tells us that "Poroteteke is the name of a game in which boys are the actors. Several having arranged themselves in a row, suddenly, at a given signal, stand on their heads, and then move their legs about in the air, kicking their heels against the buttock
Also known as koke and niu; a child's pastime, but in some cases the element of contest entered into it. Procuring one of the broad leaves of the wharangi (Brachyglottis repanda) and a culm of karetu (Hierochloe redolens), or some similar grass, the base of the culm was thrust into the petiole of the leaf, to act as a balancing agent thereto. Fig. 47 (p. 167) illustrates this simple toy of the children of olden days. The manipulator, standing on an eminence, holds the upper part of the leaf between thumb and two fingers, and casts the leaf from him, launching it horizontally. If well balanced and launched, it will sail forward for a considerable distance ere descending to earth, and its descent is very gradual. In some cases these leaves were launched from a high river bank so as to reach the further bank. The following jingle, or karakia (charm) as it is termed, repeated by children when casting the topa, was collected in the Tuhoe district:—
The topa or koke of Tuhoe was termed niu by the Ngati-Porou folk, and it was sometimes used as an act of divination in war time. When the manipulator launched his leaf into the air, he recited the following words immediately prior to launching it:—
Should the leaf turn sideways and fall without making a good flight, it was viewed as a bad omen. The Maori sometimes employed curiously trivial means of divination.
Another peculiar formula repeated when launching the topa is here given. Apparently it served as a sort of love charm, and had nothing to do with divination:—
"Niua atu, niua atu taku niu ki te wahine e tu mai ra. Mehemea ko wai ra ia. Mauria atu taku aroha ki a ia." (Glide along my niu to the woman yonder, whomever she may be; convey my love to her.) The operator also called upon the leaf to go directly to its object with the words, "Kia tika tonu to haere."
We note in the use of the word niu, as employed to denote a number of methods of divination, a curious and interesting fact. In Polynesia the coconut (niu) was widely employed in a simple divinatory ceremony in which the nut was twirled or spun (see Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. I, p. 47). The Maori has preserved the name of the coconut, but, owing to the fact that that useful palm does not grow in New Zealand, he has transferred the name to certain objects, sticks, etc., here used in certain divinatory acts. Owing to lapse of time he has forgotten the original application of the term.
As with us, this was the throwing of flat stones so as to skip along the surface of water. Another form was the high throw, using stones or flat and rounded pieces of bark for throwing. This throwing was done near a tree to enable players to detect the highest throw.
Another childish amusement was that known as Tungoungou, in which each child made a little heap of sand or earth, and then, with outspread hands, pressed the sand into small parallel ridges and channels on an otherwise level surface at the top of the mound, repeating meanwhile the following lines:—
My informant knew of no meaning pertaining to this performance It was obtained from Ngati-Porou.
A curious usage, styled pa taka, was formerly practised in order to teach children to be generous in the matter of food, and not to begrudge it to others. An adult would interlock his fingers, backs E horo ranei taku pa i a koe?" (will my pa fall to you?) Whereupon the child was supposed to place a piece of its food on his hands, which the adult ate, although the child would probably cry at the loss of its food. Do not, by any means, return the food to the child, sayeth the Maori, lest it become covetous and stingy through such indulgence.
A number of simple pastimes were indulged in by Maori children. They had races with fragile toy canoes fashioned from a leaf of Phormium, or of the raupo bulrush, and provided with sails. They made a toy dart from a leaf of Cordyline, calling it a matakokiri, and held contests in the plaiting of kopa, small coarse plait basket dishes for cooked food.
Angas, when travelling in the interior, wrote:—"Near the path … I observed a miniature pa, constructed by the boys, who amuse themselves by building tiny fortifications, and emulate the courage and skill of their sires in the sport of besieging and defending them. The mounds were made by heaps of earth, and the fence work constructed of upright sticks, displaying the characteristic ingenuity of the Maori children." Herein the term mound is applied to earthen ramparts.
The Rev. R. Taylor gives Kerirukeriru as the name of a finger game similar to the moro of Italians. The name does not appear to be a probable one. He also gives rara-tuna, rore-kiore, pono-kawakawa and tureureu as names of games, but without any description. Stowell gives karihi-taka as a finger game.
The use of masticatories might perhaps be viewed as a pastime. On this subject Colenso wrote as follows:—"Their masticatories were few and scanty, yet most of what they had they prized. The resin of the tarata (Pittosporum eugenioides) they gathered and mixed into a ball with the gum of the sow thistle, which they chewed. A kind of bitumen which was sometimes found thrown up on their coasts, though rarely, and called by them kauri-tawhiti and mimiha, they also chewed; as they did the fresh resin of the kauri tree (Agathis australis). In using them they passed them freely from one to another without hesitation." In late times American chewing gum has been used to some extent, but the almost universal use of tobacco by both sexes has probably been a check on the habit.
Nicholas, in his account of a sojourn in New Zealand in 1814-15, has the following passage:—"The children of the natives displayed before us a specimen of their ingenuity as we rowed along the cove, in a curious imitation of our ship, the Active, made in wicker-work.
This peculiar toy is called karetao and keretao by the Tuhoe folk, karari among Ngati-Porou, and toko-raurape in the far north. It is a wooden figure carved in human form, the legs of which are prolonged so as to provide a hand grip, the whole being about fifteen inches in length. The figure is carved out of the solid, with the exception of the arms, which are separate pieces and loosely attached by means of small cords passed through holes pierced in the shoulders of the figure. See Fig. 49 (p. 172). These two cords are tied together behind the figure. The manipulator holds the figure in an upright position in one hand by grasping the projecting hand hold at its base. With the other hand he holds the cord, and by alternately pulling and slackening it, he causes the arms to assume different positions, both projecting forwards, or backwards, or one forward and one backward, etc. At the same time, by shaking his left hand, which holds the toy, he causes the arms to quiver in imitation of a person performing a haka, or posture dance, a vibratory motion termed whākapakapa.
In some cases these figures were adorned with carved designs, and a well finished one had the face marked with the lines of tattoo seen on a man's face, and blackened in a similar manner. While going through this performance, the operator sang certain ditties used only in this connection, and in which it is difficult to see any sense. The following specimen of such was obtained from an old Tuhoe native:—
These songs are known as oriori karetao.
There are several karetao in the Grey Collection at Auckland. See Fig. 48 (p. 171). An old specimen was presented by the Tuhoe natives to Lord Ranfurly at a native meeting at Ruatoki in 1903. In Fig. 49 (p. 172) we see two views of a good old specimen, and these show clearly the attachment of the cord.
The following were contributed by Tuta Nihoniho, of Ngati-Porou, being jingles sung during the karari performance:—
(1)
(2)
In The Adventures of Kimble Bent we read that, at the Tauranga-ika pa, near Wai-totara, the Hauhau garrison constructed a huge karetao, or jumping jack, and set it up over the stockade of the fort. Ropes pulled from the trench below caused the arms of this figure to move as did those of the toy article. Presumably this was an act of defiance toward the hated white men.
These jumping jacks seem to have been assigned special names in some cases. An old one belonging to the Tuhoe clan was named Tukemata-o-rangi; it had an oriori karetao song specially composed for it.
In Vol. 45 of the Transactions of the N.Z. Institute is some account of certain curious stone discs found in the Tauranga district. These discs, of which a number were found, are said to
The Hawaiian stone discs used as bowls are called ulu and olohu, the game of bowls being maika. In Vol. 10 of The Journal of the Polynesian Society, p. 206, is some account of a game called pua that is played at Atiu Island, Cook Group, with wooden bowls of similar form to the above. In Vol. 11 of the same journal is some account of a curious symbol, that of the pentalpha or pentagram, which, from olden times, the Atiu natives have been in the habit of engraving on their pua bowls, and from which, they believe, the bowls acquire some superiority which they do not appear able to explain. Evidently it is a survival of some ancient belief, and the existence of this symbol in Polynesia is a question of no small interest. In ancient days the pentagram was the symbol of Hygeia and Health.
If stone bowls were ever used in New Zealand, then the Maori seems to have forgotten the fact, and can give us no information. It is, however, quite possible that the game was introduced here by Polynesian immigrants, and that subsequently it fell into desuetude. The stone bowls above mentioned have been found only in the Tauranga district, apparently their use never extended to other parts of the island.
A childish pastime. It is played by three or more children, and with the three others described below, represents simple pastimes practised by young children in pre-European times. The writer has seen children joining in these simple pastimes in the Tuhoe district as recently as the year 1900, and, by making friends with the children, was enabled to watch and describe their amusements. A small sum of money judiciously expended in the purchase of jews harps and sweets may often advance the science of ethnography.
Each of the players crooks the little finger of the right hand over the next finger, the latter over the next finger, and that over the forefinger; the latter and thumb are kept close together. The left hand is then manipulated in a similar manner. One player then holds out his, or her, right hand, with forefinger pointed downward. Another holds his right hand in a like position just above it, with tip of forefinger resting lightly on the back of the hand of No. 1. Each player acts in a similar manner, after which they put their
As he repeats the last word, he lifts the hand next his own and thrusts it away, and the owner of that hand holds it so that the index finger just touches his own breast. The above jingle is again repeated and another hand plucked away, and so on until all the hands are disposed of, and are held with forefinger against the breast. The leader, he who repeats the ditty, then asks "Ma wai taku ihu e kai?" (Who shall eat my nose?) One will reply "Ma te atua" (The demon will). The leader then says "Waewae nunui, waewae roroa, pokia ki te ahi" (Big feet, long feet, cover with fire). At the repetition of the last word all the children throw their hands downward as though casting something down. The leader then asks "Ma wai taku kanohi e kai? (Who shall eat my face?), and so on, naming different parts of the body, the above described performance being gone through each time. The final question is, "Ma wai taku tinana katoa e kai?" (Who shall eat my whole body?) The writer is not clear as to the meaning or point of this pastime, and possibly some item has been overlooked.
It is a curious and interesting fact that the above pastime is practised by native children in Queensland. In the Report of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science for 1902, appears, at p. 484, a presidential address by Mr. W. E. Roth, the subject of which is Games, Sports, and Amusements of the Northern Queensland Aboriginals. At p. 498 is described the above game, the hands of the players being placed, with fingers twisted over each other, one on the other, as in the Maori game. This is clearly shown in Plates 16, 25 and 26 of the above work. The hands are also lifted off one by one, and the sport is brought to a more rational conclusion than shown above. In his work on Head Hunters, A. C. Haddon gives some account of a similar game played in New Guinea. This occurs at pp. 229-230, and a curious resemblance is noted to the Maori form of the pastime.
Each child closes the thumb and three fingers on the palm of the hand, leaving the forefinger projecting, and both hands being served alike. The hands are then placed one on another, as in the upoko-titi,
(Paora goes, goes to spear pigeons, to spear parrots, the cuckoo sings.)
As the last word is repeated all players snatch their hands away and place them behind their backs. As they do so, each player endeavours to tag or touch the hand of another child, and any child so touched is pronounced out of the game.
As this performance followed immediately after that of the upoko-titi, it is just possible that it forms a necessary part of it, though known by a separate name. Paora is apparently a modern name inserted in an old formula.
This is played by two or more children. One places his open hands together, palm to palm, holding them out in front of his body. Another draws his two hands along the backs of No. l's hands with a stroking motion, and continuing it as he repeats:—
If the first of these replies be given by No. 1, he receives a light box on the ear; if the second be given, he is not touched, a curious reversal of the decision.
No. 2 then takes hold of the hands of No. 1, which are still pressed together, and, forcing the two thumbs apart from the fingers, repeats: "He hapi kumara." He then pushes the two forefingers over against the thumbs, saying: "He hapi taro"; and so on with the other three pairs of fingers, and repeating the names of the other three hapi. No. 1 then holds his cupped hands out, and No. 2 (also any others participating in the game) darts an extended thumb and forefinger into the hollowed hands, as though plucking something out. No. 1 meanwhile endeavours to close his hands on the swiftly moving fingers. When one is caught the game seems to be ended.
The above descriptions were obtained in the Ruatahuna district. In the Waiapu district children indulged in the following apparently meaningless pastime:—Each child twisted his or her fingers as in the Upoko-titi, and then, with the end of the projecting forefinger, kept describing a circle on the back of his left hand, at the same time repeating the following abracadabra:—
"Taia, taia te whare o Poumatua, kiko, kiko whare, whare tapatu mai runga te rangi, e ti, e ta, kai ngaki to kiri pu kainga. Waiho enei ma aku tamariki, kia ahu rawa mai i te kohi tawa. He puku aruhe anake te kai ma te atua waewae roroa whakaatu ki runga te ahi pakoreha."
As the recital, or chanting, ceased, each child quickly dropped his hands. I could gather no meaning as pertaining to the performance.
Children of the same district, when playing on the sea beach, would amuse themselves by heaping up sand, forming it into a series of steps, and patting it with their hands as they recited the following:—Ka makere, ka makere te kete koura a Hine-tu moumou rangi; ka makere, ka makere." Meaning and object of such infantile practices are unknown, and probably never were known, they being childish pastimes. This latter performance is evidently the same as that described by Tuta, and termed tungoungou by him.
Mr. George Graham, of Auckland, describes another childish pastime indulged in formerly, the information comes from the Rotorua district. A number of children collected and chanted a simple formula of which the following is a part:—
As each part was mentioned all players clapped their hands on the part of the body mentioned. It was not explained that any element of contest entered into this simple diversion.
This is a simple string game that comes under the generic term Kai that covers all forms of puzzles and games into which enters an element of guessing. A number of players seat themselves in two rows, facing each other. A string is passed down the space between the two rows, and each person grasps the string with both hands, palms downward, thus the string is quite concealed. One player, seated at one end of the ranks, has one end of the string in his mouth, and another acts as guesser; he has to guess where the free end of the string is. The task is by no means an easy one when players are skilful at moving and concealing the string, altering the position of the free end, and making certain movements to deceive the guesser. Thus the free end may be gradually worked back along the ranks, or the whole of the string collected in the hands of one person or in the mouth of the end man, but always the players' hands are kept in position as though still grasping it. There are many ways of baffling the guesser. The following ditty was sung by players as the game progressed:—
Shortland gives an illustration of the childish amusements of little folk, who had many pastimes of which nothing is now seen. He writes:—"I remember being one day much pleased at seeing some little girls playing at questions and answers. Several little girls were
Child No. 1, acting as questioner, asks the first little girl of the row:—
If more children were present, then other answers are made, such as 'a bird snaring husband,' only the last child may claim the root-digging husband, who forms the climax.
Few European games appealed to the Maori. Draughts, cards and football. How Te Mu gained its name. Hop, step and jump much favoured. The bow and arrow not used by the Maori. Parkinson's evidence. The bow known to Polynesians but not used as a weapon. The original inhabitants of the North Island probably used the bow and arrow. The Mangapai bow. Use of the bow at Tahiti. Marbles, Tug of war.
The Maori has not borrowed many of our games, save in a casual way, but they certainly took to draughts when introduced, and for many years it remained a favourite game. Cards also obtained a hold, and are still used to a considerable extent at some places. The Rev. Yate remarked that cricket, quoits, and draughts were adopted by the Maori, but of these, draughts is the only one that seems to have appealed strongly to him, and, owing to other interests and amusements, it is now much less played. Cricket never seems to have been much favoured by natives. Football is better liked, and many natives excel at this game, which is of much later introduction.
Polack, writing in the 'thirties' of last century, remarked:— "Draughts now form a most interesting game among the natives, and many display much shrewdness and ability at it. The chequered board is not only an utensil in every house, but also in canoes, and even the sandy sea shore is often found marked with the squares."
In an account of a trip through the Kai-para district made in the 'thirties' of last century by J. S. Polack, that writer says:—"I left the groups engaged in the game of ti and the amusement of draughts, which my party introduced, having made themselves acquainted with the game by residing among Europeans."
Dieffenbach wrote as follows:—"The game of draughts is very common, and is called mu. Although not played for gambling purposes it often gives rise to quarrels. It is sometimes played differently from our game, but I am not quite sure that it was not introduced by Europeans." It was certainly an introduced game. The evidence of many old natives questioned by the writer goes to prove this assertion. Missionary Wade's Journal contains another
Angas contributes two notes:—"The principal amusements of the New Zealanders are singing and dancing: they also play at ball, swing, and pass much of their time at the game of draughts. Draughts are commonly played all over the interior; and it is questionable if they were introduced by Europeans, as the New Zealanders manage the game in a somewhat different manner from ourselves …It is called mu."
Thomson corrects this with:—"Since the advent of Europeans, several new games, with modifications, have been adopted: card playing is the most esteemed, and draughts are tolerably well played. Like gipsies the New Zealanders are fond of horse racing."
Hochstetter remarks that, at Wai-kato, the game of draughts was called Teraku [?]. In a game witnessed by him, the 'men' were represented by small potatoes cut in two, and by peach kernels.
In Brown's work on New Zealand we find:—"One of the mental exercises which they appear most fond of is the game of draughts. Many of them are admirable players, greatly superior to the white people."
Moser, of Mahoe Leaves, contributes a note:—"A group of dissipated young fellows were playing draughts in one corner, the board being marked out on the floor, and the men composed of slices of potatoes, the black ones ingeniously marked with a burnt stick. As, however, their dirty fingers by constant handling had made the whites nearly black, some dispute seemed arising respecting the ownership of a king."
In describing a native meeting in the far north, held in the early days of the colony, Mr. R. H. Matthews remarks:—"The young people amused themselves with various games, such as wrestling, playing draughts on an extemporised board of flax (Phormium) leaves plaited in squares, on which shells and slices of potatoes were used for pieces; or, it might be, spinning loud humming tops carved from the hard resinous core (kapara) of the kahikatea tree, from which the sap had been rotted away, or else some sport that happened to be fashionable at the time." The Rev. R. Taylor alludes to draughts as an introduced game, as all the earliest writers did.
Shortland, who sojourned in the Bay of Plenty in the forties of last century, wrote:—"The game of draughts is universally a favourite one. In this they have extraordinary skill; indeed they rarely
When the Urewera Land Commission was inquiring into the ownership of lands at Te Whaiti one of the old native witnesses rose to explain former occupation of a certain block. "On this land," he said, "we formerly had a small village settlement, known as Te Mu. Such was not its original name, but a new name adopted in the days of my father. When the game of mu (European draughts) was introduced here in his time, the folk of this hamlet were fascinated by the new game, so much so that they played it day and night. It was on account of the people spending so much of their time playing at mu that the village was renamed Te Mu (The Draughts), and its old name was abandoned."
Young native folk do not now indulge in games to any great extent. They have abandoned nearly all their old time games and have adopted but few of ours. The latter includes hop step and jump, a favourite game, but foot races and other forms of jumping do not seem to be appreciated so much as they formerly were.
It seems desirable to check an impression that obtains to some extent among Europeans, and also among the native people for that matter, that the bow and arrow were known to, and used by, the Maori in pre-European times. There is absolutely no reliable evidence to support this assumption. It was on account of Maori ignorance of the bow and arrow that Sydney Parkinson, who sailed with Cook in his first voyage, came to the conclusion that the Society Group had been settled from New Zealand. He says:— "The migration was probably from New Zealand to Tahiti, as the inhabitants of New Zealand were not acquainted with the use of bows and arrows till we first taught them, whereas the people of Tahiti use them with great dexterity, having, doubtless, discovered the use of them by some accident after their separation; and it cannot be supposed that the New Zealanders would have lost so beneficial an acquisition if they had ever been acquainted with it." It was, of course, impossible that Parkinson should know, as we now do, that Polynesians have been coming into contact with bow Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, and another by E. Tregear in Vol. I. of the Journal of the Polynesian Society.
The bow was certainly used to some extent by native lads after it had been made known by early European visitors.
Tuta Nihoniho remarks that the bow (whana) and arrow (pere) were used in his youth (say the fifties and early sixties of last century) by boys as a means of killing birds, the smaller birds, such as tahorehore, toitoireka, koko, kopara, kotihe-wera and kakawairiki. The arrows were pieces of kakaho, the culms of Arundo conspicua, with heads of katara, the hard black substance found in trunks of tree ferns. The above birds were usually shot with the arrow while feeding on the ground when the fruit of the kahikatea had fallen.
Although there is no evidence to show that the Maori folk of New Zealand ever used the bow and arrow, even as a toy, yet their ancestors certainly had come into contact with bow using peoples of Melanesia, where its use was almost universal, though not known in New Caledonia and Australia. There is also, in Maori traditions concerning the Mouriuri, or original inhabitants of New Zealand, found in occupation of the North Island by immigrants from Polynesia about thirty generations ago, some curious statements that appear to denote that the aborigines employed the bow and arrow as a weapon. The discovery of a bow at Mangapai some years ago, dug up by workmen from thirty inches below the surface of the ground, tends to favour the view that the bow was known to the aborigines. This bow is deposited in the Dominion Museum. This matter is discussed in a paper published in Vol. XLVIII. of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute. The above mentioned traditions were known to but a few persons, and the people seem to have lost all knowledge of the bow when Europeans arrived here.
The use of the bow at Tahiti is explained by Ellis, and also in the following passage in Banks' Journal:—"Diversions they have but few: shooting with the bow is the most usual I have seen at Tahiti. It is confined almost entirely to the chiefs; they shoot for distance only, with arrows unfledged, kneeling upon one knee, and dropping the bow from their hands the instant the arrow parts from it. I measured a shot made by Tubourai; it was 274 yards, yet he complained that as the bow and arrows were bad he could not shoot as far as he ought to have done. At Ulietea bows were less common,
I have seldom seen native children playing marbles; possibly they were more favoured in the early days of European settlement. 'Home made' marbles of clay were sometimes used. Why marbles should be called hitimi I cannot say. Is it 'hit me?'
In the introduced game of tug of war we have heard the old canoe hauling songs chanted. Ropata of Waiapu used to address the young men of the local football team in a stirring manner, recalling the deeds of their ancestors in more strenuous contests. This game is certainly favoured by natives, who do not, however, seem to be attracted by cricket.
Love of song strong in Polynesian folk. Maori songs difficult to translate. Rhyme unknown but rhythm deeply appreciated. The hianga. Ritual chants intoned. Euphony ever sought. Quotations from old songs. Laments most numerous. The Puhirangi lament. Explanation of an old song. Lament composed for a defunct pig. Song composers. Causes of song making. Songs enter largely into formal speeches. Information conveyed by means of song. Peculiar use of vowel sounds. Value of vowels. Hell invented for Maori. Natural phenomena and objects mentioned in song. Tribal history embedded in songs. Widespread use of song. Remarks by early writers. Different classes of songs. Karakia or ritual formulae. Subjects of songs. The tau manu. War songs. Watch songs. Ngeri. Songs sung to children. Lament for Kekerengu. Tylor on poetic utterances of barbaric man.
The Maori folk of New Zealand resemble their brethren of Polynesia in their fondness for song, and this peculiarity is found in many peoples whom we view as uncultured. The Maori relied to a great extent on song for the purpose of expressing his feelings, and even utilised it in order to impart ordinary information such as would never tempt us to cross the bounds of prose. Possessing no form of script in which to conserve or impart his knowledge, our Maori had to rely on spoken language entirely, and a public statement was equivalent to our written declaration. Combined with the racial partiality for song was a keen appreciation of metaphor, of allegorical expression, of mystic and mythopoetic fancies. Into speech and song he loved to introduce sententious aphorisms and apt illustrations from racial myths, sacerdotal lore, and tribal traditions. He pointed and enriched his speech with quotations, and relied much on the teeming figures of universal personification. These peculiarities were not confined to orations, but also entered largely into song. Thus it is at all times difficult to translate a Maori song, often it is impossible, unless one can obtain explanations of the cryptic sayings, allusions to old myths, as also of the circumstances under which the song was composed. Again, owing to the peculiar construction of the native tongue, and the use of expressions for which we find no equivalent in English, we often find it necessary to fall back on a paraphrase. It appears to be a
As an opening remark it may be said that the Maori was ignorant of rhyme, or at least did not practise it. It is doubtful if he would appreciate it were it brought to his notice, and his mode of singing is not such as would lend itself to illustrating the euphonious nature of rhyme. In his paper on Maori songs published in Sir G. Grey's Polynesian Mythology, Mr. J. A. Davis remarks:—"Though I have timed the airs I have given, I am free to confess there was neither metre nor rhythm of any marked character discernible in them; and even in the divisions of the lines or verses, the singer seemed to stop indifferently now at one, now at another word." It is a mistake to suppose that the Maori does not appreciate rhythm, it being the most essential feature of much of his singing, such as the many songs coming under the term haka, wherein the rhythmic swing of the song is combined with that of the posture dance. Rhythm is said to have been the first element in music. In laments, love songs, etc., such as were brought under Mr. Davis' notice, the noticeable feature to the ordinary English ear is a dreary monotone. This is a subject that can be properly handled only by an expert, hence the present writer has but little to say concerning it.
Mr Davis notes the fact that, in singing, a Maori will stop at any point, when he wishes to take breath. This is quite characteristic of Maori singing, but it should be explained that he never commits the error of dropping his voice at such a time; he stops abruptly, takes breath, then continues in the right key to the end of the line or stanza ere dropping his voice. This latter is known as hianga and consists of drawn out vowel sounds, as e . . e . . e or e . . e . . i, occasionally ha . . a . . a, and not infrequently na . . i . . i. In many cases the hianga at the end of a line may be represented simply by . . e, though the final line will conclude with a lengthened form, as . . e … e . . or . . e . . e . . i.
The Maori priests always intoned their ritual, and, in the case of important and tapu utterances of that nature, when to allow a break would have been considered disastrous, not less than two tohunga took part in the proceedings. These took it in turns to chant the karakia or ritual; one would commence the chant and continue it until out of breath, when he would stop abruptly, and the other instantly continued it, picking up the next word in the same tone. hianga is never introduced save at its proper place.
Maori singing has been said to resemble the Gregorian chant, and melody, to the native ear, seems to be produced by slight modulations of the voice, lengthened vowel sounds, and the hianga, or dropping of the voice. The English ear detects nothing to admire in this mode of singing, and we condemn it as monotonous and tuneless. The Maori, however, will tell you that each song has its proper tune, and he will decline to sing a song unless acquainted with that tune. Maori songs have won a meed of praise from some writers on account of their pathos or beauty of expression, but no one has bestowed praise on Maori singing; its, to them, changeless monotone falls flat on English ears. The Maori has a much keener ear than we have for modulations of the voice, much depends on attention to inflection. The same words, employed in the same order, may in Maori be either a question or a statement of fact, the difference is known only by the inflection of the voice. Vowel sounds undetected by us are distinctly noted by natives. "It would appear," says a modern writer, "that the Maori employs a form of enharmonic modulation, using quarter tones in his natural or vocal music."
Of the first Maori song heard by him, Captain Cook wrote:—"They sung a song with a degree of taste that surprised us; the tune was solemn and slow, like those of our Psalms, containing many notes and semitones."
Dr. Savage, who published a little work on New Zealand in 1807, wrote as follows:—"The music of the New Zealanders is superior to what might be expected. The tone of voice of the natives is, in a considerable degree, melodious; and their instruments such as afford a variety of pleasing simple notes, and serve to beguile the idle hours of the tedium that would otherwise attend them. The advantages of this great resource are very general; not confined, as in many other parts of the world, to a few performers, whose vocal powers, or musical acquirements…. enchant thousands; here every man is his own musician, and the instrument he plays upon being conveniently portable, he is never at a loss for the means of entertainment.
The music of their songs is generally well adapted to the theme; many of these are of a pathetic nature, others amatorial, and a great part of them humorous. Those of a pathetic nature are well suited to the subject…."
This writer was but a short time in contact with the natives of New Zealand, but made good use of his time. The only part of the above passage to which exception can be taken is the remark that a great part of them are humorous. The ordinary Maori waiata, or song, does not lend itself to humour. Some of their action songs, such as umere, may betoken joy or pleasure, and others of the haka class may cause merriment by the use of sarcasm or ridicule, but true humour seems to be rarely met with.
One of the most serious difficulties in the way of translating Maori songs is caused by the demand for euphony. In order to render a line euphonious, words are altered in form to the confusion of the translator. Thus vowels may be inserted or elided, thus producing word forms which render the translator helpless. Thus, in one song, we find the phrase te ahua o te kupu (the aspect or character of the remark) is altered to te ehu o te kupu, and ehu means 'turbid,' and to bale out water, and to exhume, as bones of the dead, thus the hapless translator is left in parlous plight. In this case the desire was to shorten vowel sounds. Kua is sometimes lengthened to koua, all for the sake of euphony. In other cases a single vowel sound is drawn out, as in the huatau. In the legend of Rata occurs a charm that commences:—
In this line the song maker expresses his fear that he will be unable to traverse the long road before him. He does not say so in plain language, but, with malice aforethought, casts about for a new word, and finds the germ thereof in whekau, the rock owl, which cannot move abroad in the day time. He constructs the somewhat involved reduplicate whekawhekau in order to express his feelings. The writer chanced to meet an old native who was able to explain the above procedure, otherwise he would still be puzzling over the meaning of the line.
It has been said by the wise that in order to explain many native songs, it would be necessary to write a book, owing to the many allusions made to old time legends, historical traditions, myths, customs and ritual. It may be of some interest to explain a few cases. When Wi Tapeka, father of Paitini of Rua-tahuna, died, his widow Pukaha, composed a lament for him in which occur the following lines:—
"Now lone am I, as, sitting here, I vainly strive my fleeting thoughts, to calm. O friends! What can be done to soothe the pain that racks me. Bear me to water side, there sever my love for the spouse to whom I clung as clings the vine to forest tree, when I was but a girl and he was but a lad. But now all lone am I, and restless is my sleep as that of mateless bird, etc."
Now in the words 'Bear me to water side, there sever my love, etc.,' we have a fair rendering of the line "Me kawe ki te wai wehe ai i te aroha ki te makau," but it conveys no sense to us unless we chance to know that it refers to an old rite of a very singular nature known as miri aroha. This peculiar ceremony was always performed in the water of a stream or pond, and its object was to abolish, or dull, affection for a member of the other sex; thus it was performed over widows, divorced persons, etc.
In a lament composed by Tamairangi, a famed chieftainess of the Wellington district in the early part of the 19th century, we encounter these lines:—
Take the first line—"Concealed perchance like Tuhirangi within Kaikai-a-waro.' This falls meaningless on our ears until we are told that Tuhirangi is the Maori name of Pelorus Jack, the famous dolphin of the French Pass, and that Kaikai-a-waro is the name of a cave or depth in which he is supposed to live. The next line—'Left by Kupe to welcome canoes sailing by way of Te Au-miti.' Te Au-miti is the Maori name of French Pass, and the reference to Kupe opens up a long story of old time Polynesian voyagers and their doings. The last line 'Where Potoru was baffled,' refers to another voyager from Polynesia, whose canoe, Te Rhino, was wrecked at French Pass.
In a fine lament composed centuries ago by one Hine-raumoa for her grand-daughter, the composer farewells the lost maid to the spirit world:—
"Go forth, O maid, by the broad way of your ancestor, of great Tane, offspring of Rangi (the Sky Parent)." This broadway of Tane is an expression denoting the path by which spirits of the dead reach the spirit world. It is the way of the sun god, the golden path of the setting sun as seen on great waters. "Where lies Taheke-roa, O maid!" This is the name of the actual descent to the underworld of spirits—
This is a place where all spirits of the dead assemble ere entering the spirit world.
Here we are introduced to another belief and to another spirit world, the one in the heavens, to which the maiden is supposed to ascend by the ara tiatia and toi huarewa, explained as being represented by the whirlwind.
In Maori myth there are twelve heavens, separated by spaces.
This is a place in the uppermost of the twelve heavens in which were preserved all forms of knowledge, of ritual, etc., pertaining to the various heavens.
An illusion to the procuring of these boons by Tane.
Here we have an example of how difficult it is to render the meaning of a song without lengthy explanations. Even a paraphrase may fail to enlighten. He who seeks to study these effusions must spend much time in assimilating the folk lore, myths, etc., of the Maori, and unless he works devotedly to attain such knowledge, then your student imagines a vain thing.
The late Mr Colenso was well within the truth when he wrote: "Many of the so called translations of New Zealand poetry, which have been from time to time printed, are not really such (not even allowing the utmost latitude to the translator); they are mostly wild paraphrases, not infrequently lacking the ideas of the original."
This writer contributed a paper on the poetical genius of the Maori race to Vol. XIII. of the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute.
A large proportion of Maori songs are laments for the dead; these are known as tangi and waiata tangi, and some of them are of considerable interest, either on account of expressed sentiments, beauty of verbal expression, or the inclusion of references to racial myths, historical traditions or beliefs, as in the one quoted above. In the lament of Te Rangi-uia, which covers seven pages of foolscap M.S., one verse begins:—"Alas! O little one, I recall your gambols on the plaza, and your running laughing to the door. These memories abide to gnaw at my heart as does the demon death, now that you have entered the portals of the spirit world. O child! Arise once more and speak with me." Another commences:—"O child! I vainly seek your spirit, that we again may rest together."
In many of these laments the stricken one is implored to awake from the sleep of death and rise once more to take part in the doings of this world. Thus, in the lament of Rum of Tuhoe for his child, he sings:—"O Hiku, sleeping there, cease thy slumbers. Bestir thyself and rise, ere sinks the westering sun."
In another such a mother beseeches her child to pause and turn back ere entering the spirit world, that she may weep over him once more:—"The mists float above Puke-hinau, where passed my beloved child. Turn back, O son! Return to me, that I may weep anew."
The following lament is an old one, and contains interesting allusions to old historical traditions and curious beliefs regarding the spirit world. It illustrates well a remark made by Mr. J. C. Andersen:—"Like Milton, the Maori is fond of proper names, packed full of allusion, and it is the names that make the great stumbling block. To Europeans they convey nothing, and it is the names that prevent Maori poetry being better appreciated." This is an apt remark, and we shall see that, even in cases where a song can be translated, a great deal of explanation has often to be added, ere the meaning of the composition can be made clear. The song is a lament for one Rangi, a girl, daughter of Tu-te-pewa-a-rangi and his wife Ihunui-o-Tonga, who flourished about seventeen generations ago at what is now known as Miramar peninsula, Wellington district. When composing this lament, the mother was sitting on a knoll in a hill fort called Puhirangi or Tuhirangi, situated on the ridge near Fort Gordon, and gazing out at the restless waves rolling across the entrance to the harbour, evidently leaning forward as her thoughts followed the spirit of her daughter across the vast ocean by the 'broad way of Tane' to the far distant motherland of the race,
Herein we have ten proper names that call for explanation, omitting Rangi (name of the dead girl), and Tane, one of the most important of the offspring of the Sky Parent and Earth Mother. In line 1, we note two peculiarities; the vowel i has here no meaning and may be viewed as an excresence, being introduced for the sake of euphony, to lengthen the smooth vowel sounds and so cause the line to seem in agreement with the air and the demands of the native ear, a peculiarity common in Maori song. The word tahakura, like io tahae, tamaki and some others, denotes a twitching of the muscles, an occurrence always viewed as an omen of either good luck or ill luck, according to circumstances. The mother had experienced such an evil omen prior to the death of her daughter, which fact unsettled her, made her uneasy and apprehensive of some approaching misfortune. Thus she asks who is so influencing her, little thinking that, subconsciously, her loved daughter is warning her of the coming separation. This is allied to another curious belief of the Maori: When a native is stricken with a serious illness, perhaps in a moribund condition, you may perchance hear a bystander say—"Ko Mea ma kai te karanga mai," meaning that dead relatives are calling to him from the spirit world.
Line 3, explains the mental uneasiness, the perturbed mind caused by the warning, hence the question in line four and the peculiar use of the word tahu, apprehension is kindled by the warning. In line five kohau implies vague apprehension, and line six illustrates undefined warning.
In line 7, we see how the warning was brought home to the mother—'and after all, O lady girl, it was you,' kahurangi being a term denoting the daughter of a family of rank. In line eight we read the wail of the mother heart—'Who indeed would have that it was you, O Rangi!' Now at last she knew what the vague warning meant.
Line 9, explains the position of the mother, as she sits on the hill top, with body inclined forward (whatatai) as she looks seaward, while in line 11 she tells us what she saw, Hinemoana surging restlessly without, the unrestrained rolling sweep of the waves across the harbour entrance at Para-ngarehu (Pencarrow Head). Hine-moana, the Ocean Maid, is the personified form of the ocean.
In line 12 the mother addresses her daughter as having, in spirit form, fared forth upon the currents of the great ocean to Tawhiti-nui, a land whereat her ancestors sojourned during their voyage eastward from the homeland in times long past away, and onward still to Tawhiti-pamamao, to the old homeland of the race, whither all spirits of the dead return. Onward to Te Hono-i-wairua, the sacred meeting place of all spirits, on the mountain of Irihia. At this place is situated Hawaiki-rangi, the ediface in which all souls of the dead congregate ere passing to spirit land. In this line (15) she speaks directly to her child, and tells her how to proceed. 'Grasp with your hand the toi huarewd' (the whirlwind path, a sacerdotal expression), 'by means of which (17) Tane ascended to Tikitiki-o-rangi' (the uppermost of the twelve heavens). Line 18; 'That you may enter the Rauroha' (a division of the uppermost heaven occupied by female attendants of Io, supernatural beings called mareikura). Line 19—'To be welcomed by the mareikura within Rangiatea,' (an edifice in the uppermost heavdn, the abiding place of the Supreme Being Io, in which was preserved all high class learning, occult knowledge, sacred symbols, etc.)
Line 20.—'There shall remembrance of this world fade away, Omaid!'
The lengthened a of powhiritia (19) is to satisfy the demand for euphony. The word taiao (20) denotes this world, as opposed to, or distinct from, the spirit world, the world of death, the Po, as seen in the old saying "Ko te Po tē hokia a Taiao" (The Po whence Taiao cannot be returned to). The word rauwiri (11) implies something undulating or sinuous, a wattled fence is called a rauwiri.
The following is a rendering of the above song:—
Such is the song composed by Ihunui some four hundred years ago, when the tribe known as Ngai-Tara occupied the Wellington district.
All laments for the dead are termed tangi, as also are songs bewailing misfortune. A person might compose a song commiserating himself on account of some ill fortune, often for what we would consider a most trivial cause. For instance, one such has been recorded that was composed by a man bewailing the loss of an eel pot, and another records the grief of a man who had lost his fish hook, yet another, that of a person who had lost a pet bird. One expresses the self pity of a man whose wife had deserted him. The writer knew a case in which a man composed a lament for his own sad condition in suffering from skin disease. Many such instances might be given.
Perhaps the most peculiar and unusual lament known of, is one that was composed for a defunct pig. The first pig seen and acquired by the Ngati-Porou folk of Waiapu was highly prized and carefully tended. When it died a lament was composed for it as though it had been a member of the family, as indeed it may have been, for we are told that native women not infrequently suckled young pigs in former times, and Polack tells us that he saw a pig comfortably in bed between two girls.
The facility with which natives compose songs is quite remarkable, though nowadays such efforts as laments are mostly composed of fragments culled from old ones. In former times some specialists appear to have passed much of their time in song making; such were
One of the most prolific causes of song making was the readiness of the Maori to take offence, combined with the custom of retaliating by means of song. Such songs were often of the incisive kind known as ngeri, betokening ridicule or contempt. Should a person consider himself belittled, or slighted, he would, in many cases, retaliate by means of composing and singing such a song, whereupon the subject of it would possibly endeavour to get satisfaction by composing another, perhaps a more virulent one. Such effusions as these were often of the haka type, and accompanied by posture dancing, in which insulting gestures were probably employed. All a man's relatives would rally round him at such a time, in obedience to the laws of communism. The rhythmic swing of song and action is very effective in such cases.
The Rev. R. Taylor tells us that, in Maori song 'the metre is difficult to describe, there being no regular measure of verse; the chief object is to make the lines suit their tunes.' The present writer is, unfortunately, unable to give any satisfactory description of native songs, but can merely make a few general remarks, being but a dull eared Ridsdaler. With regard to the measure of our waiata Maori; in recording these, we seldom show the true line limits, the line as it is sung even unto the hianga or dropping of the voice at its end. For instance we are apt to divide a native song thus:—
Whereas it is sung:—
This is rendered throughout in a peculiarly even tone to our ears, though not without slight modulations of the voice, and the voice is dropped by lengthening the final vowel sound. As to whether this should be designated a line or a stanza, let those skilled in song craft decide. It is necessary, however, to show where a line ends with the hianga, and this is usually done by repeating the vowel, as a . . a or e . . e . . e. The above song proceeds:—
Observe herein the length of the first and second lines, as compared with the fourth and seventh. At each line end the voice drops as it prolongs the final vowel sound.
There are few natives who cannot sing, and time keeping seems to be a natural gift with them. Formal speeches (whai korerd) were much indulged in, and all who strove to appear as good speakers frequently broke into song, and interspersed their narratives with aphorism, simile, and proverb. Indeed most important communications were not seldom made in song, as the following incident shows:—
When Governor King returned Huru and Tuki to their homes in the far north in 1793, these natives asked of the first Maoris seen the news from their native district—"This was complied with by the four strangers, who began a song, in which each of them took a part, sometimes using fierce and savage gestures; and, at other times, sinking their voices according to the different passages or events that they were relating. Huru, who was paying great attention to the subject of their song, suddenly burst into tears, occasioned by an account which they were giving of a tribe having made an irruption on Hum's district and killed the chief's son with thirty warriors."
In many cases there seems to be no division into whiti (verses, divisions), but in some cases the longer effusions are so divided. This applies not only to songs but also to ritual chants. These whiti, or upoko, differ considerably as to length.
It should be here explained that the hianga is not always expressed by a lengthening of the final syllable of the line, in many cases other vowel sounds are so employed:—
Also in:—
In these last lines we note another peculiarity, the introduction of a meaningless ē in the middle of a line. This is solely for the sake of euphony, and appears again in the following—
This ē does not represent a dropping of the voice, but is employed as a euphonious glide between the short a and o or i. Thus the sound a-e-o was more grateful to the composer's ear than the more abrupt a-o. It may be as well to give the Maori vowel sounds here, as they
A lullaby composed for Niniwa of Wai-rarapa long years ago, is reduced to writing in this manner:—
Here again one line is written as two, the hianga . . e denotes the true line end and fall of the voice. There is no vocal change at the words tawhiti and mai.
Another peculiarity noted in some songs is the lengthening of vowel sounds in other positions than at the end of a line:—
This lengthened vowel sound is occasionally heard in ordinary speech, and seems to emphasise or stress the importance of the word so distorted. Thus in the word pakupaku (small) all vowels are short, but the writer has often heard natives, mostly women, pronounce it pa . . a . . akŭpăkŭ, followed by noa iho, to denote exceeding smallness.
The most peculiar arrangement of a Maori song on record is probably that of the famous ritual chant composed by Tuhoto-ariki for the child Tutere-moana, of the Wellington district, as it appears in Vol. XVI of the Journal of the Polynesian Society. This shows blank verse style with a vengeance; the punctuation is eccentric and misleading, and even personal names are ruthlessly dismembered, while there is no indication of where a line concludes in many cases.
is a sample. But what specially rouses the present writer's ire in connection with this fine poem is the introduction into the paraphrase of absurd myths concerning which not one single word appears in the original, viz, the description of the Christian hell at
Also that Whiro—
Again, of those who have slain men, they tell us—
The whole of this horrible description is pure invention and illustrates no form of Maori belief. The poem is a remarkably fine one, couched in an obsolete mode of diction of great interest, only seen in ritual chants. Why spoil it by deliberate mis-statement? Myths and quaint beliefs it contains in abundance, but nothing dreadful, as are the Christian teachings of ghastly agonies of the human soul after death. The Maori had no such beliefs. If allowed to pass unchallenged, this rendering quoted will be accepted in the days that lie before.
In some cases a difficulty is experienced in reducing native songs to writing, with regard to arrangement of lines, as when one copies a native M.S. and does not hear the song sung, but such line division and punctuation as the following it is hard to excuse:—
See Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. XVI., p. 46.
In this passage korau assumes the function of an adjective qualifying kakano, and the line should end with Iranui. Also the comma after korau destroys completely the sense of the passage, and transforms the name of a person into a proper name for certain seeds.
To continue the quotation after Iranui:—
Maori poetry may possibly be described as blank verse, but the above is chaos with a vengeance. The first line should end with Iranui, the second with Haronga-rangi, the third with Marae-atea, where a full stop should be. Tenei certainly commences a new subject and a new line, which is emphasised with a vocative of which no notice is taken, but which is of importance, inasmuch as it calls for certain vocal
It might be considered advisable to capitalise the vocative e, as E tama! (O son! or O lad!). If written as e and followed by no note of exclamation, it assumes the form of the preposition e (by). Tama is not a proper name here.
Punctuation of these songs is of great importance and calls for much care. For example a passage in the above stanza reads thus:— "Te tiaki whenua ko te kuranui te manu a Rua-kapanga i tahuna e to tipuna e Tamatea ki te ahi tawhito." This, by the omission of the comma after kuranui and again after Rua-kapanga, presents the following jumble: The land guardian was the kuranui the bird of Rua-kapanga burned by your ancestor Tamatea with supernatural fire.
But enough of this carping at the shortcomings of others, for we are all careless in the writing and rendering of waiata maori (native songs). The truly wise man is he who makes no attempt to translate them.
There are several favoured modes of commencing a song. One of these is the allusion to stars and planets, as in the following:—
Often the moon is mentioned:—
When, however, the sun is alluded to in an opening line, it is usually in connection with its setting:—
Clouds are also frequently alluded to:—
Such celestial phenomena as lightning, thunder, rain, meteors, etc., are not infrequently introduced:—
A much favoured mode is an allusion to the shades of evening:—
Of which there are slight variations, such as:—
Also at such a time affection for absent friends or deceased relatives is more keenly felt:—
Which same is a peculiar and most expressive sentiment. As shades of evening fall one's thoughts turn to loved friends; emotions are aroused. Mountains, hills, and other natural features of the land often serve to introduce some subject:—
Omens often caused a person to express apprehension of some approaching misfortune in song, and so are mentioned, as in the following:—
An allusion to a certain sensation of twitching or prickling in the nose, believed to portend some trouble.
Bird song or cries are alluded to, but very seldom imitated or represented, as in the following:—
One of the most common modes of commencing an initial line is with the negative kaore (not, none) though, curiously enough, it does not seem to be employed in a negative sense, but rather to emphasise a remark, as in:—
A number of songs commence with the expression 'Nei ka noho,' in which nei seems to be but a shortened form of tenei, hence it equals 'Tenei ka noho'—Here I sit. Also in ra we apparently see an abbreviated form of tera, as in 'Ra te haeata hapai ana mai' (Yonder the dawn appears).
It is a noteworthy fact that much of tribal history, myths, and other prized knowledge was embodied in song. This is specially noticeable in two classes of songs, laments for the dead, and oriori, songs composed at the birth of a child, and which may perhaps be called lullabies. Take for example the long oriori composed for Tutere-moana referred to above, eight long verses and each one of them packed with references to ancient myths and even brief recitals of the same. The same peculiarity is noted in the song of Ihunui given above.
Laments for the dead were very numerous in former times, and these are still composed, though not so generally as of yore. Another very numerous class was composed of what may be termed time songs, such as tewha or working songs, boat songs, songs accompanying log hauling, war dances, etc., while a host of others pertained to various exercises and games. Many of these songs had choruses; in such as were employed to emphasise or call for strenuous united action, as the to waka, or canoe hauling songs, every alternate line was often rendered as a chorus. Thus in many songs the fugleman was a necessity and a prominent figure, persons of both sexes acting as such, according to the nature of the song and the accompanying performance.
Song was employed by the Maori to an extent unheard of in civilised communities, he broke into song when making a speech, relating information, asking for assistance, and on countless other occasions. He also set to work and composed songs for what we would deem to be the most trivial causes, or subjects. As no explanation is given in these songs of a letterless folk, it follows that most of them are difficult to understand, and to translate. To do so, it is often necessary to understand the circumstances under which the song was composed, and the application of proper names employed therein. The native appreciation of personifications, allegory and metaphor, and the introduction of these elements into song, are confusing to the stolid mind of civilised man.
Colenso remarked that Maori poetry, while generally destitute of what a European would call rhyme and metre, wonderfully abounded in strong natural sentiment, in pleasing and suitable utterances, and in fit, often beautiful, imagery. He also draws attention to the native use of simile, and references to natural phenomena.
It has been observed that the finest specimens of native songs are all old compositions, and that modern songs are largely based on old ones. The writer once had an opportunity to observe the composition of a song by a man and wife who wished to lament the death of a
Thomson, in his Story of New Zealand, remarks:—"Much care was taken to preserve uncontaminated the airs of ancient songs, for although ignorant of complicated music, many New Zealanders have correct ears for time and tunes." He might have said that practically all the Maori people possess that faculty.
Nicholas makes the following curious statement:—"It is somewhat remarkable that almost all the songs that are sung in New Zealand are composed by some tribes living in one part of the island, called by Europeans the East Cape, the inhabitants of which seem alone to have engrossed the favour of the muses, and may be exclusively considered as the bards of their country." In this matter Nicholas was undoubtedly in error; all the Maori folk were gifted with powers of poetic expression, and all communities contained individuals to whom song making was a pleasing task.
Cook, in his account of the Maori, remarks:—"They sing with some degree of melody the traditions of their forefathers, their actions in war, and other indifferent subjects; of all which they are immoderately fond, and spend much of their time in these amusements, and in playing on a sort of flute."
Polack wrote as follows:—"The voices of the females are pleasing and flexible, and in young persons are clear and musical, capable of and fitted for cultivation."
At page 169 of Maori Mementoes may be seen one of the curious songs with superfluous syllables added to many words therein. When such extraneous syllables are cut out, the meaning is clear, as:— 'Ki (wi) te hau (wu) raro e (we) ata pu (wu) puhi mai (wi) '. These puzzling songs were a form of amusement indulged in by young folks. Te and some other syllables were introduced in a similar manner. A specimen is given in Sir G. Grey's Nga Moteatea. An element of interest in many of the older songs consists of the archaic, sacerdotal, and obsolete expressions employed, as also allusions to old customs and half forgotten legends. In some we note references to the moa, a creature that must have been extinct for centuries past. Song often entered into narrative and tradition, and thus a number of songs and ritual chants of olden times have been preserved in oral traditions.
It was perhaps owing to widespread ability in songcraft and in singing that there was no special class of bards among Polynesian peoples, but it is doubtful if they would have tolerated such a system in New Zealand, with their communism and peculiar customs.
Maori songs may be lacking in rhyme and metre, but the rhythmical epics of the Maori conserved much sacerdotal, historical and mytho-poetic matter, while the intoning of such production in sonorous tones by adepts is eminently euphonious and pleasing.
Forster, who accompanied Cook on his second voyage, has not much to say on the subject of Maori singing, but closes with the remark:—"I shall now dismiss this subject with the following observation, that the taste for music of the New Zealanders, and their superiority in this respect to other nations in the South Seas, are to me stronger proof in favour of their heart than all the idle eloquence of philosophers in their cabinets can invalidate."
In his account of Tahiti this writer says:—"One of the youngmen had a flute made of a bamboo, which had but three holes; he blew it with his nostrils, whilst another accompanied him with the voice. The whole music, both vocal and instrumental, consisted of three or four notes, which were between half and quarter notes, being neither whole tones nor semi-tones. The effect of these notes, without variety or order, was only a kind of drowsy hum, which could not indeed hurt the ear by its discordant sounds, but made no pleasing impression on our minds."
Wilkes tells us that in his time (1839-40) the native music of Tahiti had been forgotten, adding the remark that 'Social amusements are prohibited by severe penalties.'
It is not considered worth while to give a list of all names of native songs of different classes. Some of such names are merely local, and others are synonyms. The following short list will illustrate to some extent methods of song nomenclature:—
Waiata.—A generic term; the common term for all songs. Waiata tangi—a lament. Waiata aroha—a love song. Waiata whaiwhaia—a sorcerous chant possessing powers of black magic. Waiata mate kanehe—a song expressing affectionate desire. Waiata whaiaipo— literally a sweetheart song. Waiata karakia—charms, incantations. Waiata popo—lullabies. Waiata whakamdnawa taonga—songs sung when receiving a formal present. Many other such sub-titles might be added.
Tau.—This is not so general a term for songs as waiata, and as a rule the name seems to be confined to ceremonial songs, songs sung on ceremonial occasions. A song so introduced into a formal speech to visitors, or to a clan meeting, is called a tau marae (marae=the plaza of a village, where meetings are held and visitors tau manu, a peculiar ceremonial and semisacerdotal chant rendered by a party of fowlers when entering the village on returning from the forest. The tau waka appears to be the same as the to waka, or canoe hauling time song.
Puha. Peruperu.—These names are applied to vigorous war songs of the ngeri type, sung to accompany equally vigorous dances.
Whakaaraara pa. Mataara pa.—Watch songs sung by sentinels on watch at night in fortified villages.
Mata. Matakite. Kite.—Songs of an oracular nature composed and sung by seers who thus disclose the result of divinatory rites.
Whakatea.—A song jeering or upbraiding members of a defeated war party. A similar song, called manawa wera was sung on like occasions, rendered by relatives of the slain, who arrayed themselves in old ragged, dirty garments for this function.
Pioi.—A song of exultation sung by successful warriors, as they brandished heads of slain enemies. One is given at page 144 of Nga Moteatea.
Pihe.—A song sung over bodies of the slain.
Apakura.—A dirge or lament. Te Tangi a Apakura=The wailing of Apakura, is an expression denoting the moaning sound of the ocean, a sound coupled with ideas of sadness and death. Apakura is a personage in Maori mythology.
Ngeri.—This name includes many songs of the haka type, possessing a peculiar measure appreciated by natives. They are rhythmical and are delivered with fierce energy and most energetic posture dancing. They often express derision, contempt, etc., and are sung in order to avenge insults, etc. Milder specimens denote ridicule, or even good natured raillery. The air of such effusions differs widely from that of the ordinary song, such as a lament. A song composed for the purpose of putting a person to shame for some slight or wrong committed, was sometimes called a hahani. The tutara seems to be such a song composed by a deserted or insulted husband, and directed against his erring wife. The tumoto is an incisive style of ngeri, while the kai oraora expresses savage and deadly hatred, a desire to slay, cook and eat enemies against whom it is directed. These fierce compositions were, in some cases, the product of women, widows of men slain in battle, or possibly in some treacherous manner.
Tangi or Waiata Tangi.—Laments. All laments and dirges come under this head, not only such as mourned the dead, but also such as were composed in order to bewail any misfortune, however trivial. Owing to the word aroha having several meanings, such as waiata aroha may be a true love song, or a lament, or one expressing commiseration. The tangi taukuri seems to express self pity, while the tangi tikapa, or tangi whaka kurepe is a wordless wailing accompanied by peculiar swayings of the body, quivering hands, etc.; it is much practised in mourning rites. Tangi whakahoro and tangi maru seem to imply two modes of wailing. These mournful scenes are practised, not only when mourning the dead, but also when long parted friends meet. The meeting of families who have not seen each other for some years is a most peculiar scene, not to say distressing. The Maori much appreciates these ceremonial functions, and is ever ready to shed crocodile tears galore on the least provocation. The Rev. R. Taylor wrote as follows:—"But the chief amusement of the females was, and still is, the tangi, or crying; the women pride themselves on doing this in the most affecting way, so that a stranger would be deceived, and not think it possible that it could be a mere mockery of woe, and yet it is nothing more."
Umere.—This name is applied to short songs rendered in haka like measure and which serve as a poean, or expression of pleasure on making a good haul of fish, or of satisfaction anent some other good fortune. The expression 'Ka tangi te umere' is equivalent to our word of applause.
Oriori. Whakaoriori. Waiata popo. Whakatakiri.—All these names are applied to songs sung to infants; these are sometimes what we would call lullabies, others were not sung with any intention of putting a child to sleep.
Ruri.—Songs often accompanied by gestures.
Rangi.—A word meaning air, or tune, and also applied to songs accompanying flute playing (rangi koauau), and the tapping of the pakuru (rangi pakurii), also the poi posture dance (rangi poi). A transposed form of this word, ngari, is sometimes employed in a similar way, as in ngari tititouretua, a song sung while playing with the touretua sticks. The song sung to the movements of the karetao, or jumping jack, are by some styled oriori karetao.
Hautu waka. Tuki waka.—Both these names are applied to boat songs, or rather canoe songs of the time song order, and in the rendering of which a fugleman, termed kaihautu, or kaituki, was employed.
To.—Any hauling song is termed a to, thus to waka is a time song used when hauling a canoe. The same kind of songs were employed for procuring concerted action when a heavy ridgepole or stockade post had to be hauled from the forest.
Tewha.—All working songs appear to be included in this term, but perhaps more particularly those pertaining to agricultural work.
Ko kumara. Whakatapatapa kumara.—These names are applied to planting songs chanted or intoned by those engaged in preparing the ground for the planting of the kumara (sweet potato) crop. These chants are sometimes described as karakia by natives.
Atahu. Iri.—These names refer to a peculiar class of songs or chants that may be described as love charms, hence they are properly included as karakia.
Keka. Tukeka.—A dirge or lament. Also sometimes applied to songs of the haka type.
Whakawai.—Songs sung while a person is being tattooed, as being helpful to him, or her, in enduring the pain of the operation, are known as whakawai tanga moko or 'tattooing beguiling.'
There are other song names, and classes of song of minor importance, as the patere, hari, maire, ruriruri, etc., but some of these names are apparently synonyms for others. Peculiar songs were taught to captive tui birds, others appear in fable as being sung by spirits, fairies, birds, insects, and even by things inanimate, as mountains. The range of Maori song is certainly far reaching.
Karakia.—This is a class of Maori chants that does not properly belong to our subject, save in some of its minor illustrations. The term karakia is somewhat loosely applied to many different forms, its use is most comprehensive. It includes every form of invocation, incantation, charm, spell, and similar compositions, from the most tapu chants addressed to the Supreme Being down to simple charms and even puerile jingles repeated by children over their toys. Karakia entered into every department of life, at all ages of the individual, into all industries, and in fact pertained to almost every act it was possible to perform. There were karakia repeated over the newly born child, as the tohi or tua; a special one, the tuku, to enable him to be born, another when the umbilical cord was severed, another to lift the tapu from mother and child, another when they were received by the people on their arrival from the 'nest house.' Others pertained to marriage, divorce, sickness, death, burial, exhumation and reburial. Each form of affliction, of illness, wounds, burns, toothache, headache, fractured bones, blindness, etc., etc., required its special charm. The cutting of a person's hair called for two charms, the acceptance of a present demanded another, a journey required several. Some hundreds pertained to sorcery, witchcraft, and their nullification. Fishing, snaring, trapping, cultivation of food products, tree felling, canoe making, house building, sea voyaging, war, etc., called for a multitude of charms and incantations. These compositions were
Any collection of Maori songs must necessarily contain a number of laments for the dead, as also others that are simply dubbed 'songs' (He waiata), in which the object of the composer is sometimes not apparent. Apart from these two classes, a list of song subjects at hand reads as follows:—
Many other subjects might be mentioned, for the Maori would compose a song for any trivial matter.
When, in the days that lie before, some enthusiast decides to devote time and study to Maori poetry, he will make the discovery that it does not explain itself in many cases, that a great number of such songs cannot be satisfactorily translated without assistance from natives acquainted with them. Quite apart from the use of archaic and obsolete expressions, there is much to puzzle one. tau manu, chanted on the return of a party of fowlers from the forest, laden with vessels containing potted birds:—
With the exception of the proper name Punaweko (personified form of land birds) the above does not contain more than one word not found in dictionaries of the native tongue. Yet how many students of that tongue could translate it correctly, or even be reasonably near its true meaning? No one but a beginner would do so without assistance from a native acquainted with the idioms employed.
Of the peruperu type, the following is probably the best known example:—
The words here amount to nothing. Kia kutia—to be closed, as the right arm of every man, brandishing gun or spear, was swung into his breast, accompanied by the deep grunting sound Au! Au! Kia wherahia—be opened out, as the arm swung out again, with the gun gripped by the muzzle, but high in air. 'May the Governor fly afar off, and gaze at us.' What made the function effective was the roar of the well timed voices, the wild brandishing of hundreds of weapons in perfect time, and the rhythmic thud of the stamping feet.
Watch songs seem to have been brief compositions in all cases. The following is a fair sample:—
There are many songs of the matakite class on record in Nga Moteatea and the Journal of the Polynesian Society. These were composed by priestly mediums of what are termed war gods, spirit gods consulted by their human mediums with regard to the result of a proposed attack. The answer of such a god was received by the medium, who often disclosed it to the people in the form of song.
In the style of delivery employed in the ngeri type of song the lines are as it were chopped into short lengths, with which the rhythmic motions agree:—
In the better specimens of oriori, songs specially composed at the birth of children, and sung to them by parents or attendants, are often contained many references to incidents in tribal history and mythology. The following example is given as a specimen; it is so packed with such allusions that a translation of it into English would carry but little meaning, so numerous are the proper names employed and the explanations that would have to be made. This song was composed by one Tiwha, of the Wairarapa district, for Niniwa-ki-te-rangi, female infant of Hine-hoaia:—
Here we have a composition that differs widely from what we would deem a suitable song to sing to an infant. The matters referred to in it could not be learned by the subject for many years, and would not be understood by her until she was well grown. We must conclude that this was a method employed in the preservation of tribal lore, also it would familiarise a child with names mentioned in traditions and myths which such child would be required to learn in later years.
We will now see how this matter reads when rendered into English:—"Faintly from afar sounds the wail of Niniwa-ki-te-rangi. Wail, O maid! That Reikura, Reiaro and Reimaru may listen to thee. They are the persons who consumed their young relative, the kumara, the child of the second husband of Pani (named) Tainui-a-rangi." Here we have references to personages and occurrences in Maori myth that need much explanation, which is not given. It may be that one purpose was to cause a child, as he, or she, grew up, to make inquiries as to the meanings of such names or allusions. The song proceeds:—"Wail, O maid! We are but survivors of the defeat of the offspring of Tato, of the defeat of the offspring of Paikea; their overthrow at the Wbiri-purei. When Paikea returned from seaward, he took Mahamaua (from whom sprang) Ue-te-koroheke, and Tahunui, who had Iranui, and us. Wail, O maid! We are but survivors of the battlefield at Rawhitiroa, of the field of combat where perished Purupuru, when fled we from Pae, from Kahu-tauranga, from Kahu-tapere, from Rakai-paka; abandoned was our home at Turanga-nui-a-Rua."
So it proceeds to refer to old time wars, defeats, movements of tribes, and other troubles that make Maori history, almost every line calling for long explanations. Some passages are especially suggestive, one refers to the ancient custom of human sacrifice at the building of a new house—"So came we on and arrived at Here-puka. Taraia constructed his house, and placed his child, Te Rangi-akiaki, as a whatu for the rear ridgepost." The whatu of a house is some object buried at the base of the rearmost pillar supporting the ridgepole, and which acts as a mauri, a shrine or resting place for the gods in whose care the house has been placed.
The following song is worth recording. It is a lament for Te Kekerengu, son of Whanake and Tamairangi, of Porirua. These were the principal chieftains of the Wellington district early in last century. In the twenties these folk were expelled from the district, and Te Kekerengu was slain in the South Island, at a place since known by his name:—
Hai, possibly for whai.
Here we have another composition containing many proper names pertaining to places, persons, traditions and myths. The following is a rude rendering of the song:—"What truly is the wind that strikes upon my skin? Haply the breeze of war from distant lands. Let me ascend Te Whetu-kairangi, the vantage point to view Te Whanga-nui-a-Tara. Ah me! O Sirs! Matiu and Makaro alone lie spread before me, that sheltered us from war's alarms in other days, but now you all are lost to me. My eyes rest on the strand that lies yonder at Waitaha, lost unto you by hapless chance. O Sirs! O Dames! Perchance you yet frequent your old resorts in Porirua; but who indeed may see you. O Sirs! Alas! Let my lack lustre eyes scan your wanderings at Arapaoa. But dimly seen are ye, O Sirs! O Dames! Through sea haze spread before me. Haply ye haunt the lone way of Tuhirangi, he who guides the canoe prow, lest ye estray upon your way to Te Aumiti, Where indeed are ye hidden from me, O Sirs? Perchance ye are hidden within Tai-tawaro, the chasm wherein Tuhirangi lies, he who guided the canoe of Kupe and Ngake to Aotearoa, when Wheke a Muturangi perished at bounds of Raukawa, hence Whatu kaiponu and Whatu tipare. On to Te Aumiti that yawns afar, the vantage perch of one winged Koau a 'Toru, that assaults the raging winds. Lost unto me are ye all, O Sirs! Perchance within Whare-rau at Waipuna, in Tiritiri o te moana within Pukerua; thus are ye separated from me."
Tylor, in his Anthropology has drawn attention to the fact that prose, poetry, and song shade into one another, and are not three clearly distinct things. This is particularly noticeable among such a people as the Maori, among whom prose and poetry coalesce much more than they do with us, song and ordinary speech being more interchangeable. In many cases where we would only employ prosaic speech, the Maori intoned his utterances in a very remarkable way, as when asking a stranger who he might be. Tylor makes a very apt remark, as follows:—"Much of poetic art lies in imitating the expressions of earlier stages, when poetry was the natural utterance of any strong emotion, the natural means to convey any solemn address or ancestral tradition." He shows that early man talked in metaphors taken from nature, not for poetic affectation, but simply to find the plainest words to convey his thoughts; that the purpose of poetry was to be chanted, and not recited or read, as with us.
Stringed instruments practically unknown to Maori. Remarks by early writers. Polynesian appreciation of the drum. The pu torino, a form of flageolet. The pu hoho. Flutes. The tuteure. The koauau. How the stops were spaced. Flutes fashioned from human bones. Phallic flutes. Flutes played in ceremonial performances. The rehu. The whio or whistle. Nose flutes. The nguru. Widespread use of nose flutes. Pan pipes of Polynesia. The pu kaea or wooden trumpet, and its tohe. The gourd instrument. The shell trumpet. The bullroarer. The "whizzer". Instruments of percussion. The pahu or gong. The drum of Polynesia. The pakuru. Clappers. The roria, a primitive form of jews harp. The ku and tirango, the first rude efforts to produce stringed instruments.
An inquiry into the subject of the instrumental music of the Maori brings us at once face to face with the fact that he possessed practically no stringed instruments. Had the Maori folk been a bow using people, it is quite possible that they would have evolved some form of stringed instrument. As it is, the majority of them are wind instruments, the balance being instruments of percussion of the rudest kind. We are told that instruments of percussion are the most simple, and were probably the first invented, and that wind instruments were a later invention, the most primitive of which gave but a single note.
Labillardiere has remarked that savages, in general, are not very sensible to the tones of stringed instruments. Earle discovered that the northern Maori expressed the greatest dislike to the violin [or to his mode of playing], hence he found it extremely useful when he wished to get rid of native visitors. It had, however, a very different effect upon some natives of Tikopia Island, before whom he played— "The effect it had instantly upon them was ludicrous in the extreme. They sprang up, and began dancing most furiously, at the same time so waving their heads about as to keep their long hair extended at its fullest length: as I played faster, they quickened their pace. A lively Scotch reel seemed to render them nearly frantic…. I have observed (generally speaking) that savages are not much affected by music, but these Tikopians were excited to a most extraordinary degree."
Thomson maintained that the Maori had not risen to the level of appreciating the higher forms of music:—"Their hearing is acute, and their perception of musical time accurate, but the simplest melodies are alone agreeable; delightful music falls upon their ears without exciting emotion, while a noisy drum keeping time gives pleasure…… Their eyes see objects distinctly, but the subject of a picture, or the blending of colours, is conceived with difficulty." These remarks are correct. It was assuredly diverting to see the old type of Maori examining a picture, photograph, or even a map.
Our first note on Maori instruments is to be found in Tasman's Journal, wherein he says:—"They also blew several times on an instrument of which the sound was like that of a Moorish trumpet." This must have been either a shell trumpet or the long wooden trumpet.
The following remarks were made by Cook in his account of the Tongans:—"As to our musical instruments, they held none of them in the least esteem, except the drum, and even that they did not think equal to their own. Our French horns, in particular, seemed to be held in great contempt, for neither here nor at any of the islands would they pay the smallest attention to them."
When visited by a party of Maoris at Dusky Sound in 1773, Captain Cook—'caused the bagpipes and fife to play, and the drum to beat. The two first they did not regard, but the latter caused some little attention in them.'
When the frigate Blonde visited Mauke, 'the galley fire and the players on wind instruments in the band seemed to surprise and delight them more than anything.' Again, Nicholas wrote of the Maori in 1815:—"Mr Kendall having brought from England an excellent barrel organ, tried the effect of music upon his savage auditors; and it was highly diverting to see them thrusting in their grisly visages, and gaping with astonishment while they listened attentively to the unusual sounds. Two or three of them seemed particularly delighted, unbending their dark and tattooed features into the liveliest ecstasy." Wilkes said of the Samoans that they were particularly delighted with the bass drum. Forster tells us that 'our Highlander performed on the bagpipes to the infinite satisfaction of all the Tahitians, who listened to him with a mixture of admiration and delight.'
Of the Maori, Cook wrote on his first voyage:—"Diversions and musical instruments they have but few; the latter consists of two or three sorts of trumpets and a small pipe or whistle, and the former in singing and dancing. Their songs are harmonious enough, but very doleful to a European ear. In most of their dances they
Most of the early writers on the Maori, in speaking of their musical instruments, mention the flute and trumpet. The terms fife and flageolet were occasionally employed, applied apparently to the pu torino, while Cook's pipe or whistle was evidently the koauau. These flutes are said to have had from two to five holes. Another statement met with is that they were played by blowing into one of the holes, or into one of the ends.
The following remarks are from Dr. Marshall's work, and date back to 1834:—"The blast of a trumpet had announced the arrival of our visitors, and the same martial sound accompanied their departure. The New Zealanders have a variety of musical instruments in use among them, including the pan-pipes [?] the flute, the fife, the whistle and the trumpet. One, which was made a present to me, consisted of a large conch shell, with a mouth-piece fitted to the spiral end, and ingeniously carved. The trumpet, whose flourish was made to do honour to Pomare and his body-guard, was upwards of six feet long, formed of several pieces curiously sewed together by threads of cane, and elaborately carved; narrow strips of cane were also wound round the shaft to the mouth-piece."
Although there is some little evidence that some pan pipes were brought to the northern districts, probably from Fiji or Tonga, early in last century, yet this instrument was unknown to the Maori in pre-European times. The whistle here mentioned would probably be one of the small bone instruments seen in collections; or the instrument mentioned by Colenso; the fife would be the pu torino, and the flute the koauau. The conch shell was termed pu tara or pu moana, and the long wooden trumpet pu kaea.
Concerning Maori instrumental music, Mr. Colenso says:— "Little can be said, save that they did possess such; and that, rude as it was, they sought to vary it in many ways, showing their musical faculty and their endeavours after its improvement. But to do them justice, we must never lose sight of the one great fundamental fact, their utter ignorance and want of all and every kind of metal… First I would observe that their instruments were nearly all wind instruments, which they played or sounded with both mouth and nose, having, however, separate instruments for each service… They were all made of wood, bone, or shell, and may be conveniently classed under three familiar names: trumpets, flutes and whistles."
In L'Horne's Journal of De Surville's voyage occurs the following—"I have seen two musical instruments: one has the shape of nguru or nose flute, though that object certainly does not resemble an olive in form, and we know of no specimen as short as two inches. As to the sound of the shell instrument, I would say that nothing is less like that of the bagpipes.
The word pu is not a specific term for flutes, but seems to be applied to anything in the form of a hollow cylinder, hence it is employed as a general term, not only for flutes, but also for trumpets, and, in late times, for all forms of firearms. Thus in pu torino, pu tatara and pu kaea, it is the second word, used in an adjectival manner, that denotes the kind of instrument.
The pu torino is an instrument somewhat resembling a flageolet or piccolo, and may perhaps be viewed as a rude form of the same. The mouthpiece is at one end, the other end being brought to a point and is either solid or is pierced with a small hole. It was used as a mouth instrument only, and was never sounded with the nose. It has no series of holes or stops, merely one aperture in the middle, which is usually of an oval form, being the mouth of a head carved on the upper side of the instrument. This instrument is made wider in the middle than at the ends, as seen in the illustrations. Fig. 52 (see p. 218) shows four of these instruments, one being abnormally small.
Parkinson makes the following remarks on this instrument, which he calls a trumpet:—"A trumpet, nineteen inches and a half in length, made of a hard brown wood, which they split, and carefully hollow out each side so as to fit neatly again, leaving an edge on each side, and joining them together, they are bound tight with withes made of cane. It is broadest in the middle, which is rather flat, and gradually tapers to the ends that are open. In the middle of it there is a large hole which represents the mouth of a figure somewhat like a human one, having hands and feet, the parts of which are carved round the instrument. Another such like mask is also carved near one end of the trumpet. They produce a harsh, shrill sound." This account of the method of manufacture is quite correct,
pa kaea; the instrument was always made in two pieces. These pieces were hollowed out and carefully fitted together prior to being lashed with the small aerial roots of the kiekie (Freycinetia Banksii).
Forster describes some natives of the Wellington district who visited Queen Charlotte Sound during Cook's sojourn there in June, 1773, also some instruments in their possession. These were a pu kaea (a long wooden trumpet), a pu tatara (or pu moana) and a pu torino. Concerning the latter, he says:—"The third went by the name of a flute among our people, and was a hollow tube, widest about the middle, where it had a large opening, as well as another at each end. This and the first trumpet were both made of two hollow semi-cylinders of wood, exactly fitted and moulded together, as so to form a perfect tube."
Both Parkinson and Forster state that both ends were open in the instruments seen by them. Hari Wahanui, of Waikato, tells us that the fingers are kept on the hole in the middle when the pu is sounded.
Thus it will appear that though the music of New Zealand is not remarkable for its variety, yet it affords an ample fund of amusement to the natives."
Earle, a later visitor in those parts, makes the same remarks, so that it may have been a practice of the musicians of that area:— "Another instrument is formed of two pieces of wood hollowed and then bound together; the centre is bellied out, and has a small hole: it is blown into at one end, and the other is occasionally stopped to produce variety."
"Me te wai e utuutu ana" was a saying employed to describe the sound of the pu torino. It sounded like water running into a gourd when you dip it into the creek.
In Fig. 54 (p. 219 are shown three pu torino in the Auckland Museum. The curved form is unusual.
In Becket's small work on Cook's first voyage we find the following remarks on Maori instruments:—"Their trumpets are near two feet in length, having a large, broad, flat belly or concavity, with a large hole about the middle: these produce a shrill hoarse sound. They commonly wear a small wooden whistle tied about the neck, which is open at both ends, and has two other perforations or holes." This writer also tells us that the nose flute of Tahiti has three holes. The first of these instruments referred to above was evidently the pu torino, and the second one the koauau.
The following note is from Du Clesmeur's Journal of 1772, the writer being a member of Marion Du Fresne's expedition. This journal is published in Vol. 2, of McNab's Historical Records of New Zealand—"Their music is as monotonous as that of the other Indians, if indeed it is not more so. We have only seen three kinds of musical instruments, of which one is a sort of trumpet which can be heard a very long way off. I can bear witness to this, having heard its sounds the day we burnt down the first village. They have also a species of flute made in two pieces, bound well together, into which they blow at the thick end. The smaller end and three little holes are closed with the fingers, and serve to vary the tones a little. The third instrument is almost the same, but is much smaller; into this they blow with their noses."
The trumpet mentioned may have been either a pu kaea or a shell trumpet. The second instrument was apparently a pu torino, though the three small holes are unknown to us. Possibly there is some confusion here. The last mentioned instrument was probably a nguru.
Fig. 55 shows three fine specimens of pu torino in the Copenhagen Museum, one of which shows a remarkable and well executed carved design. See p. 220.
There is a fine old well-finished pu torino in the Grey Collection at the Auckland Public Library.
The East Coast natives say that the following was sung to accompany the playing of the pu torino:—
The following is another such collected by the late Mr John White—A song sung to the playing of the pu torino:—
In his ethnographical notes, Mr White terms the pu torino a pu hoho, possibly a northern name. The following are his remarks concerning this instrument; it is apparent that hoho is a sound word, as also is whio:—
The pu hoho was made of matai and in the same manner as the whio, the piece of wood being split, each half carefully hollowed from end to end, then the two pieces were carefully lashed together with aka kiekieAka kiekie=aerial roots of Freycinetia Banksii.hoho sound [hence apparently the name the pu hoho]. The wide opening in the middle of the pu was kept uppermost.
This kind of flute was not played in the village, or where people were assembled, but at some distance away. It was not so effective in attracting women as the whio. Sometimes women would be charmed by it, and sometimes not. It depended on the player. It would occasionally happen that an adept would so play this flute as to make the sounds resemble the wording of a song, and in such a case the playing was admired by women.
The following song is a good one for the pu hoho—
The natives of the Waiapu district also stated that words were spoken or breathed into this instrument, and such are said to have been understood at a considerable distance. The instrument was blown from the end and fingers placed on the central aperture. A kind of booming sound was produced by experts and Iehu Nukunuku says that it sounded like water being poured from a gourd vessel. One hand was held at the outer end, which was perforated. (Old specimens are seen that are not so perforated at the outer end).
At p. 165 of Sir G. Grey's work, Nga Moteatea, is given one of the songs that were sung to the playing of the pu torino.
Five specimens of pu torino in the Auckland Museum are shown in Fig. 57 (p. 224), the series showing a considerable range in size. A rauru style of carving appears on the longest specimen, while the third shows some well executed designs that are unusual in connection with these instruments. The two shortest specimens appear to be uncarved. It will be observed that the form of the central orifice differs considerably, ranging from the circular one seen in Fig. 55 to a rectangular one in Fig. 52. As a rule, however, they are of ovoid form. See p. 224.
Some good specimens of the pu torino have been preserved in our museums, and others are known in British and foreign collections. No. 1921 in the Dominion Museum is a good old specimen, though five of the series of lashings have come adrift and been lost, the only ones still in position are at the extreme ends of the instrument. See Fig. 58. These lashings are composed of some form of aka that has apparently been split in order to render it more pliable, and the material is only about one sixteenth of an inch in width. Aka is a term applied to stems of climbing plants, aerial rootlets and small subterranean roots, and not a specific term for any one species. See p. 224.
No. 1921 is nineteen inches in length and 1¾ in. wide at its widest part which is not in the middle but at the upper part of the carved head. Its thickness in the middle, not including the prominent carving, is 1¼ in. The mouthpiece shows an oval aperture ⅞ in. by ⅝ in. The other end tapers much more, and the almost pointed end shows no aperture, but is quite solid. The two end lashings are countersunk, but not so those that have originally confined the intermediate parts. There is no sign of any putohe or tonsil in the interior, and the wood is apparently that of the matai (Podocarpus spicatus). Judging from the irregular aspect of the joining of the two component parts, the original line of cleavage must have been retained uninterfered with, in order to have a close join. The other two specimens in the case show the same peculiarity. The ornamentation of No. 1921 consists of three grotesque heads carved in relief, the mouth of the central one being the hole or stop in the middle of the instrument. This and the small head at the outer and smaller end of the fife are of the usual Maori type, but that at the mouthpiece is of different form. It is in very high relief, so much so that the lower part of the face, which may be described as 'all mouth,' projects outwards like a proboscis. The two larger heads have eyes of Haliotis iris shell fixed in the same manner as those of a heitiki, diminutive serrated rings of shell countersunk in circular grooves.
In B and C of Fig. 58 (p. 224), we have two views of a good specimen of our flageolet that is in the New Plymouth Museum. It is 21⅓ inches in length. The side view C shows the remarkable aspect of the carved head at the mouthpiece, the lower part of which projects outward, and has been carved in the round.
Another specimen in the Dominion Museum is nineteen inches long and 1⅞ in. wide at its widest part. It much resembles No. 1921 in form and adornment at the ends, but has no carved head in the middle, it being replaced with a carved design of curious form, which surrounds the circular hole on three sides. Only the end
No. 573 in the Dominion Museum is a modern specimen, a thick, heavy, clumsy article that has been dressed apparently with a wood rasp and bound with twine. It is shown in Fig. 59 (p. 224). No. 2831 is also in the Dominion Museum.
The name porutu, often applied to these native instruments, is not, so far as I am aware, a Maori word, but their rendering of our word flute. Here, however, Williams' Maori Dictionary does not agree with me.
Hari Wahanui, of Waikato, states that this flageolet like instrument is always termed a pu torino among his people, and that it was blown from the end, with the fingers on the central aperture. The sound may thus be altered, but the instrument has no real scale of notes. It has no small stops such as those of the koauau and nguru.
A British Museum Handbook of 1910 gives illustrations of four torino, one of which is the famous double one. The other three all show decorative carved designs, and in no case is the lashing continuous, as seen in the long trumpets, but is arranged in bands, with unlashed spaces between. There are some fine old specimens of this instrument in the Copenhagen Museum, photographs of which were courteously forwarded by the officers of that institution to the Dominion Museum through Mr. Hansen. These are shown in Fig. 55 (p. 220). These are good specimens, and the one to the right shows an unusual style of carving that is evidently well executed. It seems to have but one band of lashing, a peculiarity that also marks the specimen on the left; presumably one other lashing at least has disappeared. The two objects on the left of the pu torino are short weapons used with one hand.
In Fig. 60 are shown five specimens of the pu torino that are in the British Museum. With them appears a shell trumpet having an unusually long mouthpiece. A considerable diversity of form is noted in these flageolets. The specimen on the right is remarkable for its attached bunches of white dog's hair, and the peculiar designs carved on its upper part in the front view and in the middle in the reverse. The binding cord is of laid twine. Length of the instrument 17¼ inches. The longest specimen is 18½ inches in length and is highly ornate with its profusion of carving. The next is 14¼ inches long, the next 11½, and the shortest one 9¼ inches. The latter is remarkable for having a small circular hole in the back. The running form of lashing shown in the first mentioned is an unusual occurrence. See p. 225.
In the British Museum is an old and fine specimen of a double pu torino, and a good cast of it is in the Dominion Museum. See Fig. 61E. This instrument is eighteen inches in length, and 2½ in. wide across the double central part. The double tube aspect is eight inches in length, the two ends being in one piece. The mouthpiece at the end is smaller than is usual, apparently, being but little over half an inch. The two stops in the middle are ⅝ of an inch wide, each being the mouth of a grotesquely carved human head, and these carved heads face different ways. The eyes of these heads are represented by small discs of Haliotis shell pierced in the centre for fitting over small protuberances of the wood. Two of the original lashings seem to be still in position; others are perhaps dubious, but I have not seen the original. On the upper side, near the mouthpiece, is a grotesque head, carved in high relief, with protruding tongue and paua shell eyes. The design carved on the other end represents half a grotesque face. There is apparently no orifice at this small end in the original. See p. 226.
Another double pu torino is in the Lord St. Oswald Collection in the Dominion Museum. See Fig. 61D (p. 226). This specimen is in an unfinished state, the carved designs have been merely roughed out, and no proper lashing has been attached. The instrument is 22¾ in. in length and nearly 3 in. in width in the middle, across the two stops. These stops are of oval form and are unusually small, 5-8 of an inch by 7-16. I am doubtful about this being a stone tool artifact, the clean cut facets of the unfinished carved heads bear the appearance of steel-tool work, but if obtained by Captain Cook it should be above suspicion.
In Fig. 61 A.B.C. (p. 226) we have another torino of the St. Oswald Collection, and a much finer specimen, an instrument of fine finish and assuredly old. It is 20¾ in. in length and 2 in. in width across the middle. The sounding aperture at the end is ovoid in form and ¾ in. by ⅝ in. The central aperture, which is the widely distended mouth of the grotesque figure, is slightly over one inch in width. There is a very small aperture at what we will call the distal end of the instrument. As in other cases the join is represented by the natural line of cleavage when the block of wood was split. At some parts it is difficult to detect the join, so close is it. Six bands of original lashings are still in position, while two others have disappeared, one from the outer extremity of the instrument, the other from the space between the body of the torino and the outward curved body of the central grotesque figure. The lashing material is composed of extremely small strips of some form of aka, possibly mangemange (Lygodium articulatum) about 1-32 of an inch in
One occasionally observes the pu torino carved on house timbers in Maoriland, that is to say, on those timbers that have been so carved as to represent grotesque human figures, which figures were named for tribal ancestors. These musical ancestors are shown as sounding the instruments, or as holding them in position for playing. Carvers do not seem to so represent other instruments, such as the koauau and nguru, or the trumpets. Three of such flageolet playing experts are shown in Fig. 62. See pp. 227 and 228.
In A the performer is apparently about to commence, and this figure also shows the peculiar carved design termed the double manaia, in which two weird creatures appear, each having its beak in contact with an ear, or the head, of the central human figure. It will be noted that the three fingered hands also appear in this figure. This carving is in the Auckland Museum, where it was photographed by Mr. W. R. Reynolds.
B is a copy of a photograph in the Dominion Museum collection, but no data is available as to the whereabouts of the carving. In this case the player is, in the most ungallant manner, standing on the head of a fair lady whose lower parts seem to be crumpling under his weight, and whose features wear a harassed expression. The wall spaces between these carved slabs are covered with culms of toetoe (Arundo conspicua) arranged vertically.
C shows a house interior at Rotorua, the wall posts of which are of a generous width. In this case the performer seems to be gripping the end of the instrument in his mouth instead of holding it in his
In Vol. 26 of the Transactions of the N.Z. Institute, Sir. W. Buller describes a flute in the collection of the late Dr. Shortland:—"It is, so far as I can judge, made out of a very straight branch of tupakihi (Syn. tutu. Coriaria ruscifolia), the pith of which has been removed to form the hollow, the opening at the top being ingeniously closed by letting in a piece of soft wood. It is of the colour of well seasoned oak, and measures 22.5 inches in length, with a maximum width of 1.5 inches. It is elaborately carved in its entire length. At the top there is a double-faced Maori head with well marked tiwhana (tattoo), and with a pair of paua shell eyes so placed as to suit either face. From the open mouth of this uncouth head proceeds the stem of the flute, artistically bounded by a festooned edging in relief, intended, no doubt, to represent the human lips. Half way down, or about the middle of the flute, there is another precisely similar carving in relief, and another again at the bottom of the instrument, but the last has elevated ears (as if to catch the strains of music), and the mouth is open, the orifice of the flute representing the throat. The entire outer surface of the flute between the heads I have described is very elaborately carved in the neat and regular whakarauponga pattern. The blowing orifice or mouth of the flute, is placed in a plain circle just below the lips of the top figure. The three other apertures are placed near the bottom of the instrument, the first being just six inches from its extremity, and the two others at distances of 2 inches and 1.5 inches apart respectively. It produces a rich note like that of our own flutes, and not like the shrill penny whistle piping of the ordinary Maori koauau…. the cavity, due apparently to the natural hollowness of the wood when deprived of the pith, is exactly three quarters of an inch in diameter. As already explained, this is hermetically closed at the top; but at the bottom of the instrument there is an artificial constriction, about two inches up, with an orifice in the centre, exactly of the size of the note holes, or 3-16 in. in diameter. This is very curious and suggestive, reminding one of the peculiar tonsil-like contrivance of the pu kaea."
The above is an uncommon form. In length it equals a pu torino, but its shape is widely different. The situation of the mouthpiece is seemingly at the side, hence it resembles the true flute. It has three stops, like a koauau, and hence cannot be called a torino. We know of no specific name for it save Mr. White's name of rehu; Captain G. Mair mentions them and states that they were made of young wood of the kaiwhiria (Hedycaria arborea) and were 18 in. to 2 ft. in length. His sketch of one shows an instrument with three stops, kauwae pattern of tattoo somewhat indifferently executed. Near the open end are three smaller holes, on the same side and in line with the larger hole. One is 2⅛ in. from the open end of the instrument, the next is 1 in. from the first, while No. 3 is 1⅛ in. from the second. The wood is of a very light colour, and is probably neinei (Dracophyllum latifolium). The writer is not satisfied about this European like instrument being an old Maori form, there is an element of doubt about it, whereas in the case of the pu torino, koauau, nguru, pu kaea, pu tatara, and pakuru we have evidence of ancient usage, as well as specimens in various museums that were obtained here in the 18th and early in the 19th centuries.
No. 414 in the Museum is 8¾ in. long, open at both ends, having three stops. On observing that it is a length of bamboo or some foreign cane, one's interest in it ceases.
The tuteure, according to Tuta Nihoniho, was some form of flute or whistle shorter than a pu torino but longer than the koauau. The song for the tuteure is:—
We have now to deal with one of the commoner kinds of Maori instruments, a type that was in more general use than the pu torino, and of which many old specimens have been preserved. Colenso applied the name of pororua to the koauau, and Williams' Maori Dictionary gives the same word as denoting 'a short native flute,' and koauau as 'a kind of musical instrument played with the nose; also a flute for the mouth.'
Fig. 64 shows two bone flutes in the Dominion Museum, both fashioned from human thigh bones. The longer specimen is 7 in. in length; the uppermost stop being 1¼ in. from the end; the next stop is 1⅛ in. from the first, and the third is 2½ in. from the second. Both specimens are adorned with carved designs. The smaller specimen is 4½ in. in length and the spaces as given above are ⅞, ⅞ and 1¼ in. respectively. See p. 229.
There is one element of uncertainty about this koauau flute. Two reliable persons have stated that they saw natives using it as a nose flute, but most authorities agree that it was applied to the mouth. Mr. John White states that the player blew into one end, and continues—"An adept player used the koauau as a nose flute, but others who were not so clever used it as a mouth flute."
The holes in the koauau were the same as those in the whio, three on the top and one underneath. Only chiefs possessed these instruments, inferior people never had them. When not actually being played the koauau was worn by the owner suspended from the neck. It was also viewed as an heirloom and passed to the offspring of the owner." Many of these flutes have no stop on the lower side. Hari Wahanui, of Waikato, used one of the specimens in the Dominion Musuem as a mouth flute, blowing into one end and producing melodious notes to the tune of a native song. He knows only the name of koauau for these flutes. Wahanui states that he never knew them to be used as nose flutes. He has a very old one that belonged to his forebears; it is made from a human thigh bone, the bone of an enemy. He remarked that the three stops of a koauau should not be equi-distant, one intermediate space should be greater than the other, as is usually the case, though not so in the one he played, which he condemned.
Captain G. Mair tells us that koauau were made from human thigh or arm bones. They were also made of wood, the tutu (Coriaria ruscifolia), the poroporo (Solarium aviculare) and neinei (Dracophyllum latifoliuni) all of which are easily hollowed out on account of their having a soft pith. They were also fashioned from other woods, such as matai, that have no pith.
Polack writes as follows on Maori flutes:—"The native musical instruments scarcely deserved the appellation. Flutes are often formed of the bones of an enemy or a deceased friend, the extremities of which are often carved with much care. The sounds elicited from them are very inharmonious. They differ in shape and size, some possessing three, four, and five holes, and are generally worn round the neck."
Apparently but few of these koauau flutes had as many as five holes, i.e., stops. These flutes were certainly carried suspended from the neck; many of them have a little projection pierced with a hole through which the suspending cord was passed.
In Anderson's narrative of Cook's first voyage we find the following:—"One of their instruments of music is a shell, from which they produce a sound not unlike that made with a common horn; the other is a small wooden pipe, resembling a child's ninepin, not
Angas seems to have seen the koauau only, judging from the following remarks, but he was a late comer in the field, though before the time of museums:—"The only musical instrument of the Maoris is one resembling a small flute, which produces but few modulations of sound. This instrument is sometimes made out of human bone, generally the leg bone of an enemy; and, when this is the case, it is highly valued as a trophy, and worn, attached to the tiki, round the neck of its possessor."
Tuta Nihoniho contributed the following notes:—Fire was employed in the process of hollowing out a koauau flute, and the small holes were formed with the tuiri or cord drill. These flutes were often made of a piece of tutu stem (Coriaria ruscifolia), a section of the same being dried and the pith was destroyed by fire in a curious manner. Live coals of manuka or other hard wood were used in the process. One such was placed on the dry pith at the end of the section, and the operator blew the coal to keep it alive and to cause it to burn the dry pith below it. When the coal deadened, it was replaced with a fresh ember.
In Fig. 67 we see four koauau flutes and two of the peculiar nose flutes termed nguru, all of which are fine specimens. In A is given the face view of these implements, each koauau having three stops. The hole for suspension is seen plainly in three cases, passing through a small boss on the side of each specimen. In two cases the cord for suspension is attached, one being furnished with a bone toggle. The third specimen from the left shows particularly fine carved designs. Two of the stops of the second specimen appear to be surrounded by countersunk shell circlets, the lower nose flute being adorned in a similar manner. The wooden hose flute to the right has one side covered with well executed carved work, but in neither view are the stops seen. There is usually a small hole on the outer curve at the small end of a nguru, making three stops in all. Both specimens have the side hole for suspension. I do not know the material of the lower nose flute. These instruments are in the British Museum. See p. 240.
The Waiapu natives say that, when a flute was fashioned from a piece of houhou (Panax arboreum), that piece was taken from a tree growing in an exposed situation.
Iehu Nukunuku, of the Waiapu district, says that in making a koauau its length was measured as from the tip of the forefinger of the right hand to the fork at the base of the thumb. The first hole koauau; the length of that first joint marks the site of the second hole. Then the second joint was brought down in like manner, and its length marked the third hole. Then the thumb was placed sideways on the outer end of the koauau, and this width of the thumb gave the measure where to cut the piece off. In the case of a nose flute (koauau whakatangi ihu) the holes were measured as follows:—The first was made at the width of the forefinger from the end. The second was the width of the thumb from No. 1, and the third was the width of the forefinger, plus that of the next finger, from No. 2.
The first hole of a flute is called Maui-mua, the second is Maui-roto, and the third is Maui-taha. Iehu remarked that Te Rangi-taotahi was a famed flute player of olden times of the Waiapu district.
Williams gives wenewene as a word denoting the holes in a native flute.
Fig. 68 shows two koauau in the Hastings Museum, A being a wooden specimen, and B of human bone.. The former has lost two of its countersunk shell circlets. B was obtained in the Rotorua district. Specimen A is 7¼ in. in length. See p. 241.
Judging from the evidence of early writers and specimens preserved koauau differed somewhat as to stops. In some cases stops are noted on the under side. The following list of such flutes in the Auckland Museum was made out and forwarded to me by Dr. P. Buck. All these specimens are of human bone:—
Of these nine specimens of koauau all have three stops on the upper side, while only two of the nine have stops on the lower side. In most cases the hole for suspension is on the under side, and in wooden specimens passes through a boss left for that purpose
In Fig. 69 we see two of these Auckland Museum flutes fashioned from human bone. In Figs. 70 and 71 appear diagrams of these nine bone flutes illustrating the spacing of the stops and some other features. See pp. 242, 243 and 244.
In Fig. 72 are shown six more of the human bone flutes of the Auckland Museum collection. See p. 245.
It was considered a highly desirable thing to possess a flute made out of a bone of an enemy who had done one some serious injury. Note this passage from Angas:—"At a small pa [Mokau district] Taonui the chief has his residence. He is one of the most powerful and superstitious of the old heathen chiefs, and is scrupulously attached to the religion of the tohunga; around his neck he usually wears a small flute, constructed out of the leg bone of Pomare, a northern enemy of his tribe, and upon this instrument he frequently plays with peculiar satisfaction."
In Fig. 72A we see one of the very few natives who can now play the old Maori flute. This is Kiwi Amohau, a member of a famed chieftain family of Rotorua, a man who has done much to keep alive the old time crafts and arts of Maoriland. Kiwi is holding the flute in a position not far from horizontal, whereas I have been told that it was held in a perpendicular position, the operator blowing across the aperture as it were, and not directly into it. See p. 246.
Performers on the koauau were fond of playing in the evening, out of doors in summer time, after the evening meal. They would sometimes be seated on npuhara or elevated platform, and the people would gather on the marae or plaza to listen. If a person played late at night people would wake up and listen with pleasure. In some cases several players, possibly as many as four, would play the same tune together.
The following song is one that was sung and played by performers on the koauau. It was given by East Coast natives. Another such appears at page 217 of Nga Moteatea:—
He Waiata WhaiaipoTera te haeata kowae ana mai i te tara I te maunga i moe atu nei puehutanga Te iringa rau mahara ma te titiro ki waho ki te moana Katahi te roimata ka ringitia ki waho Me ngare marire me kawe taku tinana maku au e mahara Whakatika ki runga ka tae Waiho koe i o taua moenga e hanga kino te tane He kai momotu kino te tau o taku ate Tohungia iho ra i whea koia koe i taku hinenga ake Te aruarua e ko raungaiti ana . . e.
The following was rendered by an old performer, though his flute was but a piece of gas pipe. To such base usages have the descendants of Paikea lent themselves:—
Song sung and played by Iehu Nukunuku, of Waiapu, into gramophone, 10/4/23:—
Dr. Savage, in 1805, made a few notes as follows:—"Their musical instruments are similar to those of many islands of the Pacific. The flute is an instrument in almost universal use; it is about six or seven inches long, with three holes on one side, and one on the other, and open at each extremity. The music produced by this instrument is simple but pleasing, and when a number of performers unite their efforts, sitting in the open air in a native village, it will be found to be very interesting On this instrument much time and labour is bestowed in carving and inlaying with portions of the ear shell. The particular pattern principally depends upon the owner's fancy."
Nicholas, who accompanied Marsden on his first visit to New Zealand, wrote:—"Their musical instruments are simple, but afford a variety of pleasing notes. They have a sort of flute about seven inches long, formed of reed or bone, having three holes on one side, and one on the other, and open at both ends." Again, he observes:—"I observed suspended at the breast of one of these people an instrument like a flute, made of bone, in the carving of which a considerable degree of ingenuity was displayed." This instrument, the writer ascertained, was made of human bone.
Cruise also has a brief note made in Hauraki Gulf:—"Besides the usual decorations of a chief he wore a carved flute or pipe round his neck, upon which he played the simple but plaintive airs of their part of the island with much correctness."
Dieffenbach, like Angas, seems to have seen only the koauau form of flute:—"The only musical instrument possessed by the natives is a flute with four holes, made of wood; the airs produced on it are plaintive, but little modulated."
Polack speaks of attending a large native meeting in the thirties of last century, whereat he saw many of the old pastimes being pursued, such as wrestling, kite flying, throwing darts, etc. "Many persons were amusing themselves with strains on the native flute; children delighted each other by shaking dried calabashes containing pebbles, emitting a mournful, abominable sound."
Colenso's notes, though not so painfully brief as those of other writers, do not contain what we want to know, he writes—"The flutes were made of wood and of bone, when of the latter it was human bone. They were of various lengths, generally six to eight inches long, open at both ends, and having three holes on one side and one on the other. The wooden ones were ornamented with a great amount of carving and inlaying, each being an example of skill, industry and patience….Those for the mouth were differently
Elsewhere Colenso remarks:—"Their musical instruments, rude though they were, and possessing only a few notes, were several; perhaps they would have improved these had they possessed proper material for making them. Their three or four flutes of different sizes were made of human bone, or the hollow stems of the tutu (Coriaria ruscifolia), or of the poroporo (Solarium aviculare), or of two pieces of hard wood, cleverly constructed and fitted together, having the joining in the centre, where, too, it was much larger. Their trumpet was made of a large conch shell (Triton variegatum), and sometimes of a piece of wood. All their musical instruments were also more or less carved and ornamented. Their larger war gongs were made of matai wood, and were suspended in their forts."
Shortland mentions thepu torino, koauau and pu tara, remarking:— Different kinds of wind instruments resembling the flute, only varying in their length." This is a rather loose statement, the pu tara or shell trumpet in no way resembles a flute.
In one of the raids of Nga-puhi one of the party speaks of the turipona (knee joint or cap) of an enemy being taken in order to fashion a pipe therefrom, while from his leg bones flutes were made. The narrator also says: "In the houses we saw the hands of our people who had been slain by Wai-kato at Motu-tapu. They were fastened to the walls with the palms upward, and the upward pointing fingers were used as pegs whereon to hang food baskets. Those hands had been steamed in an oven until the outer skin peeled off, leaving a white inner surface."
Mr. White tells us of a flute that consisted of a man's windpipe. This would be a case of a tama-a-hara, a hated enemy whose bones would serve as spear points, fish hooks, etc., for eating the flesh of such a person by no means satisfied the Maori's desire for revenge in some cases.
Two of my European correspondents claim to have seen natives using the koauau as a nose flute, the right thumb being used to stop the right nostril. Fingers of both hands were used on the stops.
Of the Tahitian flutes, Sir Joseph Banks says in his journal:— "They tune their flutes; if two persons play upon flutes which are not in unison, the shorter is lengthened by adding a small roll of leaf tied round the end of it, and moved up and down till their ears (which are certainly very nice) are satisfied."
Forster held Tahitian music in little estimation when he wrote:—"The flute in the hands of a Tahitian has no more than three holes, and is therefore incapable of a variety of notes, and the music they execute upon this instrument is but a poor humming: even their vocal music has no greater compass than three or four notes, however, some of their songs were not quite disagreeable."
A peculiarity about some of the koauau of the Maori is that they have been carefully fashioned into the form of a phallus prior to being decorated with carved designs. Such a specimen is seen in Fig. 73 (p. 249). Not only are these forms seen, but in the Hastings Museum is an ivory nose flute on which is carved a female figure, the Yoni of which is of abnormal size. (See Fig. 86, B., p. 268). We know that, in former times, flutes fashioned from human bone were employed by the Maori for ceremonial purposes, and in a very singular manner. Now all bone flutes were not fashioned from the bones of enemies; occasionally bones of relatives provided such instruments. When a case of difficult parturition occurred, then, if the family possessed a flute fashioned from the bone of one of the woman's ancestors, or her husband's forbears according to one authority, such flute was procured and played over her. The idea seemed to be that the spirits of the defunct forbear would assist the woman in her hour of trouble. Such flutes are also said to have been used in a similar manner in cases of sickness.
Now I have absolutely no information from Maori sources whereby to connect the peculiar usage described above with the phallic flutes occasionally seen, but it is quite possible that such instruments were employed for this ceremonial purpose. Symbolism has been much practised by the Maori in the remote past, and a number of survivals of ancient usages point to a former system of phallic worship, or something closely akin to it.
In this connection a paper by A. C. Haddon on Migrations of Cultures in British New Guinea contains some interesting remarks. In speaking of a tribe named Monumbo the author writes:—"The long sacred flutes … are kept carefully concealed in the men's houses; they are blown on the completion of a chief's house, at initiation, and after burial of the male dead…. From a rite that takes place it would seem that the flutes have some connection with procreation." In the same paper the author speaks of the flutes as being of different sexes. The male flute is a simple cylinder of bamboo, like an organ pipe with a piston inside, which is moved rapidly up and down to produce different notes. Apparently a peculiar form of flute this New Guinea instrument; it seems to be operated like an old fashioned churn. Again, the above writer remarks:—"The sacred flutes play an important part in many ceremonies, the sounds they emit are supposed to be the voice of the goblin himself, and the sight of them is tabued to women."
The Rev. W. W. Gill, in his Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, tells us that, at Uea, in the Loyalty Group, nose flutes were played during the performance of a ceremony to cause the spirit of a sick person to return to his body.
In J. G. Frazer's comprehensive work The Belief in Immortality, Vol. 1, p. 252, it is shown that certain tapu flutes, as also bullroarers, were employed in an initiatory ceremony performed over youths in a certain region of New Guinea. Of these flutes the writer remarks:—"The instruments are of two patterns. One is called the male and the other the female, and they are supposed to be married to each other. No woman may see these mysterious flutes." Here we note the same idea of sex, as applied to flutes, which is noted in New Zealand, and another item is recorded in the increasing list of New Guinea-New Zealand parallels.
The so-called phallic flute represented in Fig. 73 (p. 249), is a fine old wooden specimen that is said to have been found in a burial cave in the Rotorua district. It is exhibit No. 1679 in the Dominion Museum. This flute is an unusually large one, so far as my knowledge extends; being 7½ inches in length, and 1¾ inches in diameter. The matai tree, (Podocarpus spicatus)
Williams gives rehu as a flute name. Mr. White left the following description of it:—"The rehu was something like the whio. It was made of matai wood, and sometimes of tu-pakihi (tutu). The rehu had three holes on the top, but none underneath. It was not blown from the end, but the end was plugged up, and a hole was made to which the player placed his lips when sounding the rehu. See Fig. 63 (p. 228). Another type of rehu was made of matai wood, and very carefully made. This form had no holes to be stopped with the fingers on either side, but it was blown from one end and the player used his forefinger as a stopper on the other end of the rehu, so as to vary the sound, thus was heard the tune being played on the rehu and the words of the song sung to it. Only the most expert adepts could play this instrument well. When well played women could not resist it, a good player was run after by women."
This description of the rehu recalls the longer specimen in Fig. 63 (p. 228). This form is also seen apparently in the short specimen shown in Fig. 74 (p. 252), which shows such a hole at one end. I have no description of these three flutes, however, and cannot say whether the end is plugged or not.
Moser applies the name rehu to the gourd instrument, but, unlike White, he was not a Maori linguist, and may have been in error.
Of the first instrument mentioned by Mr. White one end was apparently closed and an aperture formed on one side for sounding purposes. This describes the longer specimen in Fig. 63 (p. 228).
In the Illustrations preparedforWhite's Ancient History of the Maori is given a form of flute resembling the pu torino in shape but with three stops on one side. This form seems to be unknown in museum collections.
The following description of an instrument called a whio (whistle) was written by the late Mr. John White. He does not give its length, but it was made in two pieces like a torino, was blown from the end, and had four stops. So far as I am aware no such instrument has been preserved, i.e., as made in two pieces.
The whio was made of matai wood. A piece of suitable wood was shaped, split into two pieces, and each piece carefully hollowed out. The two pieces were then placed together again and carefully lashed with the tough aerial roots of the kiekie, care being taken to make the two pieces fit closely. The whio was made hollow from one end to the other, and three holes were bored on the upper side, with one on the lower side. The player blows into one end of the whio and presses the tips of three fingers, the toi nui, toi roa and toipoto of his left hand, on the three holes, while the thumb (koromatau). of the same hand covers the single hole on the underside of the whio. Then sounds the whio, while by lifting his fingers the player changes the sound, alters the note. Should the note be deemed not sufficiently
This instrument is called a whio because the sound it emits is like unto the whio (whistle) made by human lips.
When a man manufactured a whio (whistle) it was for the purpose of attracting some woman he desired. If he played that whio well, then the woman could not resist him. These sort of amusements were indulged in at night and, in some cases, a man ignorant of playing a whio would arrange with an adept a deception in this manner. In the dark or dimly lighted house he would seat himself near the adept and pretend to perform upon the whio, whereas it would be the adept who played. If successful, and the man gained the woman he desired, then would he reward the true player with a present, such as a garment, or weapon, or a present of food. During the above performance should the fire happen to burn up and light the house, the adept would pass the whio to his companion who would mouth it and handle it for a while until the fire light died down again, when he would return it to his friend. Hence it so happened that such a deceitful person might so charm the woman he admired that he would gain her and marry her. Then, after they were so married, his wife would, some time or another, ask him to play on his flute, whereupon he would decline, saying that he was tired of it. Such would be his deceitful action, but what could be done, he had got the woman!
Mr. White is also responsible for the following:—There was another kind of whio, an inferior kind, made by persons not expert enough to make the better sort. It was used by beginners, persons learning to play, although an expert player alone could make it sound well. This instrument was made from a piece of tutu (Coriaria ruscifolid) the pith of which was removed by means of using a piece of wood as a borer. The outside was then dressed smooth and holes bored as in the one made of matai. These whio made of tupakihi (tutu) were used by children. The following song is one that was much favoured by flute players:—
Another whio was made of human bone which was made like a wooden one, but the bone one had no hole on the underside, it merely had the three holes on the upper side. It was blown from one end.
Some tribes made flutes from the arm and leg bones of their own dead. We have seen that, when a woman was in labour, a tohunga or her grandfather played upon such a flute until the child was born. A tohunga (priest) would also play such a flute when a child was ill, or when the child was in any pain or distress, according to Mr. White, as when cutting its teeth. Also when the child cried without any apparent cause. The idea in the native mind was that such flutes being made of bones of departed ancestors acted as a medium between the living and the gods (from whom man is descended).
As a rule, when flutes were made of human bone, the bones so used were those of enemies. After the slaughter of Marion Du Fresne and his companions, the natives utilised some of their bones where-from to fashion flutes and other objects. Here end Mr. White's notes.
The first kind of whio or whistle described by Mr. White, a wooden instrument made in two pieces, with three stops on the upper side and one underneath, is one that has never been seen by the writer. It would appear that Mr. White also applied the name of whio to the koauau.
Although no specimen of the above described instrument has, to the writer's knowledge, been preserved in our museums, yet I am inclined to believe that Mr. White was perfectly correct in his description. That reliable and versatile writer W. B., states that such an instrument was made and used by the Maori in former times. He described it as about 2 ft. 6 in. in length, and 1¼ in. in diameter. It was made in two pieces and no mention is made of increased width of the central part, as in the pu torino. The two halves having been hollowed out they were then carefully fitted together and firmly and neatly lashed with sennit in the middle and at each end. Decorative designs were carved on the surfaces not covered by the lashings. An interesting method was employed where-by the inner surface of the tube was rendered even and smooth. A round plait cord of fibre was made that could just be drawn through the tube, and, the end having been reeved through it, one end of the cord was secured to a post or sapling, while the other end was passed round another such, hauled taut, and so made fast. Wet sand was then rubbed on the surface of the cord, and the operator, gripping the tube, drew it rapidly to and fro on the cord, giving the tube a half turn at each thrust.
Matai was the favoured wood for the manufacture of these pipes, owing to its sonority. The pipe was open at both ends and was sounded by means of blowing across the end thereof, not by blowing pu. Such a person assumed a sitting position when playing it, and gripped the pipe between his knees so that its lower end reached his feet. Holding it in this position enabled him to occasionally stop the orifice of the outer or lower end of the pipe with a foot. By this means it is said that an expert could make the instrument speak me te reo tangata—like the human voice; few, however, are said to have acquired such proficiency.
This pipe recalls the one described by Mr. White, as explained above. Of the one just described, W.B. remarks that Ngati-Maru of Taranaki claim that its use was peculiar to the members of that tribe, but this may be doubted, such claims are often made by people who do little travelling. Observe the remark of Du Clesmeur, quoted above, concerning instruments seen by him in 1772:—"They have also a species of flute made in two pieces, bound well together, into which they blow at the thick end. The smaller end and the three little holes are closed with the fingers, and serve to vary the tones a little." These remarks assuredly do not describe the pu torino, the three small stops settles that. This instrument was seen in the Bay of Islands district, a far cry from Taranaki.
The 22 in. pipe or flute described by Sir W. Buller represents another form, inasmuch as one end was plugged, and the instrument was blown from the side. This plugged end reappears in Mr. White's rehu and in the longer specimen shown in Fig. 63 (p. 228) (No. 197 in the Dominion Museum). The Tahitian nose flute had one end plugged. W.B. applies the name of koauau to the instrument having one end closed.
Although, in some districts, the terms koauau and whio may have been applied to different instruments, yet in others it would appear that both were applied to the short wooden and bone flutes. In an old traditional story I note the following:—"Ka ki atu ki ana tamariki kia mahia he koauau, tetehi ingoa he whio; ka oti ka hangaa nga puta e toru, katahi ka whakatangihia e te wahine ra." Here the two names are applied to the one instrument, in which were made three stops.
The following remarks by Colenso seem to show that the natives used a true whistle (whio) though, so far as the writer is aware, no specimen has been preserved.
"Their whistles were very large; that is, thick, obtuse, peculiarly shaped, and something like a short thick tongue, some being a little
The whio described by Mr. White is termed by him a whistle, but he does not tell us in what particular it differed from the koauau, except that it was formed of two pieces. In addition to the larger sized koauau fashioned from wood, or consisting of a section of a human thigh bone, there were others made from human arm bones and from albatross bones. Of the latter material many have been found in the South Island, and the following are in the Auckland Museum:—No. 5956 is 6¼ inches in length and has three stops on one side, grouped near the middle and about one inch distant from each other. No. 390 is 6 inches in length and has three stops, two of which are close together and arranged transversely, not in line with the longer axis of the instrument. The third stop is 1 inch from the transverse pair. No. 6061 is also 6 inches long, and has three stops grouped near the middle and closer together than those of No. 5956. A few crossed lines are incised at one end of the instrument. In No. 5954 is seen a similar piece of bone that appears to be a flute in process of manufacture, the holes for stops have not been pierced. The above notes were obtained through the kindly offices of Dr. P. H. Buck. See Fig. 76 (p. 257).
A searcher of South Island middens remarks that the flutes found at such places were mostly portions of the large wing bones of the albatross, and that as a rule they have four holes. This number seems to include what he terms a blow hole that is within a quarter of an nguru it will be seen that they also are provided with a small hole near the smaller end. Be it observed that these bone flutes are open at both ends.
In Figs. 77 and 78 (pp. 257, 258) are shown some of these bone instruments from Otago, two of which are broken. The left hand specimen shows but one stop on its exposed side, and the right hand one none at all, possibly it had not been pierced when lost or discarded. A specimen in the Dominion Museum has two stops, with no small hole near the end, but the majority I have seen have three stops, apart from any holes near the end.
Another small bone flute is No. 1608 in the Dominion Museum. It is 5⅝ in. long and ⅝ in. in diameter. It has three stops, diminutive holes, and a small hole in the side and near the end. The spaces between the stops are ⅞ and 1⅛ in. No. 826 in the same Museum is 4½ in. long, 11-16 in. in diameter, and has but two stops, which are in the middle of the instrument with a space of ⅞ in. between them.
Fig. 79 (p. 258) presents two flutes from Otago, as depicted in the Edge-Partington Album of artifacts of the Pacific region. The material is albatross bone. Both have three stops and the hole near the end, while the lower specimen shows a hole at the opposite end that has been partially cut away.
In Fig. 80 (p. 258) we have two flutes in English Museums. A. is in the York Museum, while B. is in the Pitt Rivers Museum at Oxford. The latter specimen shows carved designs that would probably not have been much favoured by the old time Maori; it is also remarkable for the fourth hole, as seen in Figs. 63, 74, 79 and 81 (pp. 228, 252, 258, 259).
Two specimens from Pacific Isles are shown in Fig. 81 (p. 259). In A we have a flute from Niue Island that is in the Reading Museum. It is bound with sennit and finely plaited human hair. No particulars are known, but it is probably a two stop instrument, blown from the
In Fig. 81A (p. 259) we see a Tongan flute of modern make. This instrument is a length of bamboo 2 ft. 1 in. in length, with a diameter of 2¼ in. Both ends are closed with the natural joints, and there are five apertures on the upper side and one underneath, such holes being 5-16 in. in diameter, and equally spaced at 5¼ in. from each other. It is not easy to understand how all these far spread stops were utilised. The decorative designs include a square rigged ship under sail, with eleven members of the crew, or passengers, looking anxiously over the bulwarks, also three fish, a stingray, a turtle, a cock, and two weird looking persons. One of the latter seems to be a lady of some distinction, inasmuch as she wears a crinoline and a chignon.
As will be seen by the illustrations, the nguru differs from the koauau in being shorter and having one end curved. It was used as a nose flute and blown from the hole in the small curved end. There are two stops situated toward the big end of the instrument, and another hole near the small end, on the convex side. These nguru were made of three materials, wood, stone, and whale tooth ivory, both ends are open. The latter were rare and doubtless the most highly prized. There is a carved specimen, damaged by fire, in the Holdsworth Collection (See p. 263 for description), as also a carved stone one, a rare form. Other stone flutes of this type are in the Auckland and Whanganui Museums, and in the latter is a cast of an ivory nguru in the Harper Collection. (See Fig. 86, p. 268). Two old wooden specimens, very finely carved, are in the Salem Museum, U.S., and another such is in the British Museum. One of the Salem specimens has both stops and the hole at the small end set with countersunk perforated shell discs having serrated edges. These are shown in Fig. 82 (p. 265). The specimen to the right has suffered by having a piece broken off the small curved end. The central specimen is an unusually short koauau. All three are wooden artifacts and are good illustrations of the carver's art. The koauau has the usual three stops. The nguru on the right has apparently had circlets of shell countersunk at the two stops. These flutes were obtained early in the 19th century.
It has been stated that the small end of the nguru was inserted in the nostril, when played, but this is probably wrong; the end seems to have been held just under the right nostril, not thrust into it.
The nguru was not made in two pieces, hence the hollowing out process must have been a most tedious one, particularly in the case of the stone and ivory specimens. To perforate thus a whale tooth by means of a stone pointed drill would be a long task, more so because the hole was not straight. These teeth must have been bored from both ends until the holes intersected.
In Parkinson's account of Cook's first voyage appear some remarks on the nguru and pu torino at pp. 130-131, while the nguru is represented in Fig. 24, Plate XXVI of that work.
Crozet speaks of nose flutes only, as having been seen in the Bay of Islands district during his sojourn there, but says nothing as to their form. He wrote as follows:—"They have two or three varieties of flutes from which they extract fairly sweet but at the same time discordant sounds by breathing into them with their nostrils. I have heard them play on these instruments, especially in the evening when they are locked up in their villages, and it appeared to me they sometimes dance to the sound of the flutes."
Mr. John White wrote the following note on the ivory flute:—"The flute made of a whale's tooth was termed a nguru and was played with the nose. Only persons of importance ever possessed such a flute, such as a tohunga or chief. Only expert players could manipulate one of these instruments. He who owned one carried it suspended on his breast as an ornament, and the possessor was welcomed in any assembly of people, also admired by women on account of his talent."
It is a puzzling question to persons who have no music in their souls, such as the present writer, as to why anyone could prefer to sound an instrument with the nose, when, presumably, they might effect their purpose much more easily by using it as a mouth flute. Professor Tylor seemed to believe that the nose flute was employed in India on account of tapu. A high caste person could not put to his mouth an instrument that had been touched by a person of lower caste. But the nose flute was known from India right across the wide seas to New Zealand, and the above explanation will scarcely serve whereby to explain its use in so many lands.
A small stone nguru in the Auckland Museum has two sets of stops. This specimen is only three inches in length. The aperture at the big end is ⅝ in. wide, that at the small end is a little under ¼ in. On the outer side of this curved end, about ⅜ in. from its termination, is another small hole. (See Fig. 87, p. 269). The ordinary stops on the upper side are, for some reason, both formed of double koauau. Evidently the first holes pierced did not give good results, hence they have been plugged and others, differently spaced, formed.
I have been told that small gourds were occasionally converted into nose flutes (koauau pongaihu), but that to sound such an instrument called for good lungs.
We have no good account of the use of the nguru, as emanating from natives, and it would be interesting to know the proper function of the small hole pierced on the outer, convex side of the small end, and situated so close to that end, as also noted in some of the bone flutes from the South Island.
In Fig. 83 (p. 266) we note a goodly carved specimen of nguru that is in the British Museum. The two stops are just visible; these forms should be illustrated by three views in order to show their peculiarities. The koauau to the left is a short specimen in the same institution.
Fig. 84 (p. 267) depicts two nguru in the Hancock Museum at Newcastle-on-Tyne. In one case the suspension thong is of skin, in the other it is a plaited cord; both being secured to bosses on the curved sides of the instruments.
A specimen of a stone nguru in the Hastings Museum is remarkable for being adorned with incised designs showing neat execution. These designs are of an elaborate and involved nature. On the upper and lower sides human figures have been carved in relief, though the lower one has been broken off. A hole pierced in this latter figure accommodated a cord for suspension. The instrument is 6¼ inches in length and has three stops; two are on the upper or concave side, while one is situated ⅞ of an inch from the upturned small end, on its outer side, that is if this later is a stop. See Fig. 85 A.B. (p. 268).
In the same museum is the ivory flute already referred to. It has been fashioned from a whale's tooth. The similar specimen figured in Taylor's Te Ika a Maui is probably the one in the Harper collection at Whanganui; a cast of it is in the Whanganui Museum (Fig. 86, p. 268). One end of the Hastings specimen has been damaged by fire. This specimen, fashioned from the prized rei, is 5¼ inches in length and 1¾ inches in width at its widest part. At the larger end the orifice of the bore is 1 inch across, that of the smaller end is about ⅕ of an inch, but it is somewhat funnel shaped. Doubtless the natural hollow at the basal end of the tooth would facilitate the operation of boring from that end. This boring must have been a very tedious process in Te Ika a Maui shows a carved design at the big end only, but the Hastings specimen is entirely covered with fine carved designs. On the lower or convex side appears the figure of a woman in relief that is 2¾ inches in length. The hands of the figure are resting upon the hips and the sex is indicated in the plainest manner. Fig. 86B (p. 268). On the upper side are two stops, one of which is 1 inch from the big outer end of the instrument and the other ⅞ of an inch from the first. A third hole is on the outer or convex side of the small end, ⅞ of an inch from the orifice. In some cases this latter stop is nearer still to the orifice.
The following stone specimens of nguru are in the Auckland Museum. No. 5046 is 3¼ inches in length and has the usual three stops, two on the upper side and one on the outer side of the upturned small end; the last mentioned being within ¼ of an inch of the end orifice. A hole for suspension, pierced transversely, is on the under side. No. 6062 is 3⅛ inches in length and has the same arrangements of stops, but shows no hole for a suspending cord. No. 387 is the specimen with plugged holes referred to above. In Nos. 388, 6064, 5047 and 6059 we see incomplete specimens that neolithic musicians have never finished. See Fig. 87 (p. 269), left row. The aspect of Nos. 5047 and 6059 seems to show that the method of fashioning these stone forms was to bore a roughly blocked out piece of stone, and then reduce it to the desired lines by working down the outer parts. See Fig. 88 (p. 270). I am indebted to Dr. P. Buck for the above details.
Fig. 88 (p. 270) shows the outlines of Nos. 5046, 387, 6062 and 5047 mentioned above. These illustrate the positions of all apertures, including the small holes on the convex side of the small end, not seen in the preceding photographs, etc., no satisfactory explanation has been received as to the manipulation of the two apertures at the smaller end. No. 5046 was found near Hamilton, material grey rhyolite, shown of natural size, pierced transversely for suspension. No. 387 was dug up at the Thames, material slate, double stops on top, size reduced in sketch. No. 6062 dug up at Pukeroa, Rotorua, material a hard black stone, sketch made from a tracing. No. 5047 from East Coast, in process of manufacture.
In Fig. 89 (p. 271) we note an end view of one of these stone nose flutes that shows the position and aspect of the small aperture just below the open curved end of the instrument.
The use of the nose flute extended right across the Pacific, from Tahiti to Borneo, and from Hawaii to New Zealand. Of the Tahitians, Banks says:—"Music is very little known to them, and this is the
Parkinson added a brief note on Tahitian flutes:—"These people have invented a musical instrument, somewhat like a flute, which they blow into through their noses; but their notes, which are very few, are rude and ungrateful."
Of a performance witnessed at Tahiti, Banks says:—"Four people performed upon flutes, which they sounded with one nostril while they stopped the other with their thumbs; to these four others sang, keeping very good time, but during half an hour they played
Fig. 90 (p. 272) is a copy of a sketch in Sydney Parkinson's account of Cook's voyage. It represents the son of Tupia (?) playing a Tahitian nose flute. Apparently the sketch is incorrect, the instrument being held to the right nostril but the left nostril is not closed with the left thumb. If the right thumb was so used then the instrument would be applied to the left nostril. Was this a case of the muscular motion mentioned by Lieut. Walpole?
Cook's notes on the Tahitian form of nose flute are as follows:— "It is made of hollow bamboo about fifteen inches long, in which are three holes; into one of them they blow with one nostril, stopping the other with the thumb of the left hand, the other two holes they stop and unstop with their fingers, and by this means produce four notes, of which they have made one tune, which serves them upon all occasions, to which they sing a number of songs … Their drums are made of a hollow block of wood covered with shark's skin, and instead of drum-sticks they use their hands. Of these they make out five or six tunes, and accompany the flutes."
These writers seem to have seen but the one type of flute, having three holes, one of which was used to blow into, and two as stops. John Turnbull speaks of the flutes seen at Huahine as having three holes or stops, one of which was of such a size as to admit of the performer's applying his nostrils to fill it. Lieut. Walpole remarks:—"The flute is blown by one nostril, the other being contracted by some muscular motion." No other writer mentions this contraction, but a number state that the thumb was used to stop the disengaged nostril.
The Tahitian flute described by Ellis "was usually a bamboo cane, about an inch in diameter, and twelve or eighteen inches long. The joint in the cane formed one end of the flute; the aperture through which it was blown was close to the end, it seldom had more than four other holes, three in the upper side covered with the fingers, and one beneath, against which the thumb was placed. Sometimes, however, there were four holes on the upper side. It was occasionally plain but more frequently ornamented by being partially burnt or scorched with a hot stone, or having fine and beautifully plaited strings of human hair wound round it alternately with rings of braided cinet. It was not blown from the mouth, but the nostril. The performer usually placed the thumb of the right hand upon the
Clearly the instrument was blown from the side, as a flute, and not from the end, as a pipe. Ellis says it sometimes had four stops as some Maori koauau had. Having resided at Tahiti he would have a better knowledge of such artifacts than the voyagers quoted above.
The natives of Niue Island also used the nose flute, called by them kofe, the kohe (bamboo) of other isles. The ohe kaeke was a bamboo instrument of the Hawaiians. In writing of the natives of Niue, or Savage Island, Mr. Turner states:—"They had wooden flutes as musical instruments; they were single and double, resembling those of the ancient Egyptians, only shorter, and were blown with the nostrils." A similar statement is made by the author of The Cruise of the Fawn. "They are very fond of amusements and of music. The only instrument we saw was a double flute, like that of the ancient Egyptians, which they play with the nostrils, the performer presenting a most grotesque appearance."
Of the flutes of the Tongans, Cook remarks:—"The flutes are a joint of bamboo, closed at both ends, with a hole near each, and four others; two of which, and one of the first only, are used in playing. They apply the thumb of the left hand to close the left nostril, and blow into the hole at one end, with the other. The middle finger of the left hand is applied to the first hole on the left, and the forefinger of the right to the lowest hole on that side. In this manner, though the notes are only three, they produce a pleasing yet simple music, which they vary much more than one would think possible with so imperfect an instrument. Their being accustomed to a music which consists of so few notes, is, perhaps, the reason why they do not seem to relish any of ours, which is so complex."
These remarks appear to describe a true flute having six holes at the side, one of which is used for blowing, and two are manipulated as stops, but the other three are apparently not used. Mariner, however, in the following remarks, seems to imply that all the holes, which vary in number, are brought into use. As a resident in those isles, he should be more correct than Cook. "The fangofango is a sort of flute played by the nose; it is always filled by the right nostril, the left being closed with the thumb of the left hand. There are generally five holes for the fingers, and one underneath for the thumb; though some have six holes for the fingers, and others only four. The sound of them is soft and grave: they are only used as an accompaniment to one species of song."
In his Camping among Cannibals, Mr. A. St. Johnston writes as follows of the nose flute of Tonga:—"The fangofango, as the nose flute is called, is formed of one piece of bamboo, stopped at either end with the natural joints; they are of varying size, this one was about 16 inches long and two in diameter; there are four holes along the top and one underneath. They blow, taking a very deep breath, into the end hole with one nostril, tightly closing the other with one ringer, and all the notes seemed to me to be formed by the strength of the blowing, as the fingering is not intricate."
Labillardiere, in describing a meeting with some Tongan girls, remarks:—"They then played a very monotonous duet on flutes made of bamboo, but we were much amused at seeing them blow with the nose into a hole at the extremity of the instrument in order to make it sound."
Forster tells us something of the ornamentation of these Tongan flutes:—"They had likewise a flute of a bamboo reed, nearly of the thickness of a German flute, which they played with the nostrils, like the Tahitians. They commonly had ornamented it with various little figures, burnt in, and pierced four or five holes in it, whereas the Tahitian flute had but three in all. The method of ornamenting wood by burning figures into it was frequently observed in their bowls and various other utensils."
The instruments of the Fiji group are described by Commander Wilkes, who writes:—"The flute consists simply of a piece of bamboo, both ends of which are stopped; it has five holes, one of which is placed near the end, to which the left nostril is applied. Of the other holes, two are in the middle, and two at the other end for the fingers. This instrument produces a low plaintive note, which is but slightly varied by the closing and opening of the holes. It is sometimes accompanied by the voice…. They likewise have a kind of Pandean pipe, made of several reeds of different sizes, lashed together."
In Fig. 92 (p. 275) we see another copy of what was presumably another careless sketch, as in the case of Fig. 90 (p. 272). The Fijian player in 92 is not closing a nostril with her thumb.
The nose flute of the Hawaiian (Sandwich) Isles, termed ohe hano ihu, also consisted of a joint of bamboo.
Angas speaks of the nose flute as being known at Ponape, in the Caroline Group, and H. L. Roth mentions it in his work on the natives of Borneo. Some further notes on nose flutes may be found under the heading of Gourd Instruments.
The Pan pipes mentioned by Wilkes were unknown in New Zealand, and it was essentially a Melanesian instrument. In Cook's time it had reached the Tongan Group from Fiji, and, like the pump drill, its course was an eastward one.
In the story of Tinirau and Kae the terms to and torche are applied apparently to musical instruments, but I could learn no particulars concerning them.
In the subsequent parts of this division of my paper some account is given of what may be termed the cruder forms of instruments, such forms being by no means musical. They do, however, emit sound when operated by a strong lunged native, that much at least the writer can vouch for. Possibly some apology is due to the hapless reader on account of the inclusion here of a description of these primitive forms, but it seems to be the only place wherein such data may be given.
We now come to instruments that are usually termed trumpets, the pu kaea and pu tatara, of which the former was the most common. This was a wooden trumpet, some of which were seven feet in length, some but 30 in. or so, but most of them perhaps 4½ ft. to 6 ft. in length. This instrument was known as a tetere in some districts; Potts calls it a pu tara, which name is usually applied to the shell trumpet. The pu kaea was made by rough hewing a piece of matai or some other suitable wood, then splitting it carefully down the middle, after which both pieces were hollowed out and worked down and smoothed so as to form a neat hollow tube when placed together. When so placed together, thin layers of bark were put under the stout withy lashing. The bell shaped mouth was, in some cases, hewn out of the solid, but in others it was composed of short pieces secured to the tube by lashings.
In the Waiapu district the pu kaea was often alluded to as a titi matai and wharawhara, the latter name being derived from its big mouth. The bell-shaped mouth (whara or wharawhara) was constructed of several pieces which were lashed on to the barrel or main part of the instrument. There was often a little carving near the mouthpiece. When fitted together the tube was covered with thin pieces of totara bark, over which came the lashings that bound the two halves of the instrument together. The pu kaea was occasionally put in water to prevent too much shrinkage.
"Their wooden trumpets," says Colenso, "Were very peculiar, made of pieces of hard wood, scraped and hollowed and jointed, and very compactly put together, after a highly curious fashion, so that the joinings are scarcely seen. Some long ones had a large hole in the middle of the instrument, whence the sound issued, which was there modified by the hand; and others, four feet in length, have a singular (if not unique) central piece, larynx, or diaphragm, set a long way (12-14 inches) within its mouth, the sound of this kind was emitted from its larger aperture at the big dilated end … The noise they made with some of their trumpets was very loud and powerful, and must, I think, be justly termed discordant, if not absolutely hideous, to an European ear; yet by their different sounds their several chiefs in travelling were known. And not only so, for those loud sounding instruments were also used as speaking trumpets to carry words to a distance."
Here we have a pu kaea with a central orifice, used as a stop, described, but, so far as I am aware, no specimens of this style of trumpet have been preserved.
Angas speaks of our trumpet as a war horn:—"Besides the war bell (pahu), a war horn, or pa trumpet was occasionally used by the people in this part of New Zealand [Wai-kato district]. It was a tube usually about seven feet long, hollowed out of hard wood, and widened towards the end whence the sound issued by means of several pieces of wood fastened together with flax, like the staves of a cask: towards the mouth piece it was carved with a grotesque figure. This trumpet was placed over the fence work of the pa, and
A pu kaea exhibited by Sir W. Buller in 1892 was nearly five feet in length, and had a firm outer lashing of split supplejack, the stem of a climbing plant. "The most interesting feature in this sounding instrument is an ingenious contrivance, in imitation, it is said, of the human tonsil, about a foot within the larger orifice. In the hands of a practised Maori this instrument was capable of producing a very extraordinary and far reaching call." This supplejack was by no means the best material for the purpose, some other climbing plants furnish a lashing material that is tough, very pliable, and does not become brash as does the supplejack (Rhipogonum scandens).
A fine old pu kaea in the Auckland Museum is still in its original aka binding that extends from the serrated mouth right along to the small end. Four inches from the latter end a human head is carved in high relief, this projection being avoided in the binding process. There are two specimens in the British Museum and an interesting one in the Natural History Museum at Newcastle-on-Tyne. The latter is a short specimen, bound with aka (stems of climbing plants and aerial roots of Freycinetia Banksii are so termed), and dates back apparently to Cook's time.
In the Cambridge University Museum are two of these so-called war trumpets that were presented by Capt. Cook to Lord Sandwich. One is about six feet in length, the other a short one.
Mr. John White refers to this instrument as a tetere, and states that it was made of matai (Podocarpus spicatus), the bell shaped mouth increasing the volume of sound. It was used for signalling in war time, to give the alarm, or to assemble the people. He also says that, in some cases, the instrument was first lashed with the thin, pliant aerial roots of aka kiekie (Freycinetia) and then seized with small cord made of Phormium fibre. The latter is by no means so durable as the aka.
An item in the Weekly Budget, January, 1898, states that an old Maori trumpet, seven generations old, called Te Atua-kai-roa, was secured by Mr. Goffe. It is described as being about two feet long and as being bound with supplejack cane. This is a very short specimen.
It appears that some pu kaea were made from a straight stem of tutu (Coriaria ruscifolia). This was split carefully down the middle, the pith was taken out, and the two halves lashed together. The pieces forming the bell mouth were of a harder wood, and were lashed on to the end of the tube. These pieces were thin and of a tutu trumpets. In Out in the Open, he writes:— "Heard of a trumpet of native make; on expressing a wish to see it, one of Tawhiao's people kindly fetched it at once; it is a curious musical instrument called putare [? pu-tara] made of tutu hollowed out, narrow withes of flax root bind it round its entire length. Towards one end these are ingeniously arranged so as to form something of a bell mouth. Several young people essayed to try their skill, but only one succeeded in drawing from it loud braying blasts."
Capt. G. Mair states that pu kaea were occasionally called tatara, adding:—"It is generally formed of a number of strips of wood neatly fitted together, gummed with glue made from [obtained from] the tarata tree (Pittosporum eugenioides), and bound round with kiekie roots. Inside there is a tongue or valve called a putohetohe (tonsil) which adds greatly to the shrillness and power." The whara or bell mouth was often composed of a number of pieces, but it is doubtful if the tube itself ever consisted of more than two pieces, which is much the easier way of making it.
A Tuhoe note on the pu kaea is to the effect that it was used for signalling in war time, or was sounded at night by the watchman stationed on a puwhara, or platform within the defences of the village. It was made of matai or totara timber, and the sound produced was a doleful hooting. The small end is the kongutu, the big end the whara, the edges of which were notched or deeply serrated.
The tohe or puthoe (uvula) seems to have differed in form. The Newcastle specimen has in it three projections on one side, and two on the other. This instrument is shown as A. in Fig. 93 (p. 281); its length is but 23 inches and it is neatly bound with aka. It is in the Museum of Natural History at Newcastle-on-Tyne.
In describing a pu kaea in his possession, Dr. Newman remarks:— "At the point where the long narrow tube widens into the funnel, transversely athwart it inside are two narrow pegs of wood. These were called tohe. In looking through the trumpet more toward the sunlight, I discovered a third peg about 6 in. from the mouthpiece. The presence of this third tohe is I believe, a new discovery … The presence of these three tohe is curious; doubtless they affect the tune of the instrument. They may not exist in all trumpets."
Mr. W. H. Warren, who practised with the above instrument, and with it sounded several well known bugle calls when the above quoted paper was read, remarks:—"I may say at the outset that, owing to the peculiar oval shaped wooden mouthpiece, which is very rough on the lips, it is well nigh impossible to produce any of
The tones that the instrument gives out are very similar to those of a bugle, but it cannot be made to produce the lowest C. of the European instrument. Such calls as "Dress for Parade," "Rouse," and "Last Post" cannot, therefore, be played in their entirety." The writer here gives the staff notation of the pu kaea, and that of the B-flat bugle, and adds:—"It will thus be seen that the Maori trumpet is capable of producing four notes; the lowest, however, is hardly as clear as the G. of the brass bugle, and the lips of the performer require to be in exceptionally good form to produce with any degree of success its highest note. The two middle notes, G. and B., can be produced with exceptional clearness, and are, in fact, far more pleasant to the ear than the C. and E. of the brass instrument."
Of the sounding of the above-mentioned pu kaea by Mr. Warren, Dr. Newman writes:—"Experts declared that its tones were so clear and good that, had they not seen the instrument, they would have believed the sounds were made by a modern silver bugle."
A kind of temporary trumpet was occasionally made of leaves of the flax (Phormium) plant. These leaves were split down the middle, and the pieces wound in a spiral manner to form the instrument. They were usable merely so long as the material remained green. These frail instruments were termed tetere.
In describing the methods of the hostile natives during the fighting in the Wai-kato district, General Alexander says:—"To imitate the Pakeha (Europeans), they used to fire off a gun at tattoo, and call 'All's well,' and made a horn of native flax to imitate the bugle-calls."
A traveller in the interior in 1854, wrote:—"Under the artistic hands of our [native] comrades, a horn emerged from a flax bush, and a merry blast poured across the water."
Forster describes trumpets seen at Queen Charlotte Sound in 1773:—"They also brought some musical instruments, among which was a trumpet, or tube of wood, about four feet long, and pretty straight; its small mouth was not above two inches, and the other not above five in diameter; it made a very uncouth kind of braying, for they always sounded the same note, though a performer on the French horn might perhaps be able to bring some better music out of it."
In some pu kaea the mouth is not bell-shaped, the projecting pieces being on two sides only. (See A. and B. of Fig. 93, p. 281). A fine old specimen in the British Museum is but 2ft. 5½ in. long; the outer surfaces of its crescent shaped flare are finely carved. This specimen
This is evidently the specimen figured in Ling Roth's translation of Crozet's Voyage, though the length is there given as 23¼ inches. It is made of two longitudinal sections and bound with withies. The mouth shows an unusual arrangement of teeth, as shown in Fig. 93 (p. 281), and which Ling Roth compares to the vox humana pipes of an organ.
In Fig. 94 (p. 282) we see an old pu kaea in the Whanganui Museum that is only 22½ inches in length. The illustration shows the neat manner in which the aka or withie binding material was laid. In the same illustration appear two koauau flutes, two nguru nose flutes, and two stone whip tops. The upper koauau is 5¼ in. long and has the usual three stops; the lower one is 4¾ in. long and has five holes, two of which have been plugged, owing presumably to incorrect spacing. The stone nose flute on the right has had the curved small end broken off; the cast to the left seems also to have suffered. The stone tops were found at Waikato during swamp draining operations.
Two specimens of the long pu kaea trumpets are shown in Fig. 95 (p. 283). The longer one is a fine illustration of the methods of manu facture. It is 4 ft. 9 in. in length, the diameter at the small end is 1¼ in. that of the flared bell mouth 4 in. The greater part of its length is neatly bound with split stems of climbing plants, but 7½ in. of the bell mouthed end is served with small unsplit vines about ⅛ in. in diameter. matai (Podocarpus spicatus). Eleven inches in from the serrated wham is the putohe or uvula, at or near the ends of the two tapering, wedgelike pieces inserted to form the flared bell-mouth. The two small projections forming the putohe appear to be parts of the two long sides of the instrument. The form of the aperture left is shown in the illustration, which also shows the two inserted, wedgelike pieces referred to above, and which are marked B.B., while A.A. represent the two continuous sides of the instrument. C. shows a coil of the binding vine that has worked loose. The smaller trumpet is a very inferior specimen 4 ft. in length, and seized with a cord of three-ply plait.
In an Archaeological Report published at Ontario, Canada, in 1898, occurs the following passage:—"The Iroquois Indians some times employ a very primitive instrument resembling the ancient flute-a-bec which produces only the tones of the diatonic scale. It is made of two pieces of wood hollowed throughout their entire length and bound together in the form of a cylindrical tube by means of cords. The opening at the upper end is much smaller than that of the lower, being about one fourth of an inch in diameter. The tone is produced by blowing into the upper end, the stream of air being projected upon the thin wedge-shaped edge about three inches from the upper end, as in the organ pipe or the well known penny whistle."
It would appear that, in olden days, the Maori used two forms of gourd instruments, the two differing much in size. The larger one was used as is a trumpet or horn, and from it was produced what Moser styles "a most horrid noise." I am not aware that any speci men of this larger form has been preserved in our museums, but from my experience of the sounds produced from the shell trumpet, pu kaea, cow horns and mill hoppers by enthusiastic natives I am quite prepared to accept Moser's "horrid noise." T. Moser was the author of Mahoe Leaves, published as a small booklet at Wellington in 1863. It contains a number of quaint sketches of native life that appeared first in the Wellington Independent. He wrote as follows of the noise producer:—"The meeting was summoned by blowing into the mouth of a calabash, in the side of which were punctured two or three holes. I think the name for the instrument is rehu."
rehu being the name of a form of flute or pipe.
Nihoniho explains that the gourd instrument formerly used in the Waiapu district was a kind of horn or trumpet blown as was a pu tatara, or shell trumpet. The gourds so used were those of an elon gated form, with a curve at the stem end. A piece was cut off the large end of the gourd, which served as the mouth of the instrument. At the stem or small end a small piece was cut off, and a wooden mouthpiece fitted on. My informant did not know of any other form of instrument made from gourds, but one of his own tribesmen, Iehu Nukunuku, informed me that very small gourds were sometimes converted into nose flutes. One of these small instruments has been preserved in the British Museum, and is figured in Edge-Partington's Album of Pacific artifacts. In Fig. 96 above we have a reproduction of the sketch. This small instrument is but 3½ inches in length, and was probably used as a nose flute. It closely resembles small nose flutes of Tahiti shown in Fig. 97 (p. 286). Apart from what are presumably stops, three in number, it is seen that Fig. 96 also shows a small hole near the small open end of the gourd. This recalls the nguru nose flute, which has a similar hole very close to the end from which the instrument was sounded, as also some of the small bone instruments described above. The present writer, being utterly
In Fig. 97 above are shown two small nose flutes from Tahiti that resemble the Maori specimen in Fig. 96 (p. 285). These two specimens are apparently in the British Museum, and are figured in the Edge-Partington Album. A shows but two stops and no hole is seen near the aperture at the small end of the gourd. In B we see the three stops of the Maori form, as also the fourth hole near the top, but the orifice at the extreme end, or upper part, seems to be lacking.
At the Hawaiian Isles similar instruments seem to have been used, and Fig. 98 (p. 287) shows three specimens from that group. A and B are respectively 3 and 2¼ inches in height; they carry burnt designs of various kinds, and each has two stops of different sizes, but no hole near the end orifice. In C we note the three stops and hole near the upper orifice, as seen in the Maori form. These three specimens are figured in the Edge-Partington Album, where they are called ipu hokiokio or 'lovers whistles.' C is 2½ inches in height. I have seen no explanation of how these Hawaiian forms were sounded, whether by
ipu hokiokio. The Hawaiians used gourd rattles, dried gourds containing some hard seeds or stones, but the two figured in Edge-Partington's Album show no stop-like holes. One feels inclined to place more faith in the name of whistle, as applied to these Hawaiian forms pierced with several holes. A specimen figured in Emory's work, The Island of Lanai, is 3 in. in length and has three small holes in one side.
Ellis describes a curious gourd instrument used among the Hawaiians. It was composed of two gourds, one oval, the other round, neatly fastened to each other. "Each musician held his instrument before him with both hands (the performers being seated), and produced his music by striking it on the ground, where he had laid the piece of cloth, and beating it with his fingers, or the palms of his hands."
These were formed from a large shell, commonly known as the Triton shell, that was occasionally found on the coasts of the North Island. It is apparently Septa rubicunda. A small specimen that had been used as a trumpet was found in 1915 in a midden on Somes Island, in Wellington Harbour, by Sergt. Hard. The point had been cut off, ground even, and three holes pierced near the edge to accom modate lashings for securing the mouthpiece.
These instruments were known as pu tara, pupakapaka, pu taratara, pu toto, pu tatara, kakara, pu moana, puhaureroa, potipoti, and occasionally it is said as kaeaea.
In Maori myth the first shell trumpets are said to have been made by Tupai, a younger brother of Tane, who made two that were named Puororangi (or Taururangi) and Te Rangiwhakarara.
Mr. Colenso describes the shell trumpet as follows:—"The trumpets were made of wood or shell; for this latter purpose the shell of the large Triton (T. australis) was used, its apex was neatly cut off, its mouth scraped, and the whole shell polished, and a mouthpiece of hard wood, suitably hollowed and carved, was ingeniously and firmly fixed on. Here I must notice a most curious plan which the old Maoris seem to have had for increasing, or altering, the power of the sound of their conch shell. An ancient trumpet of this kind (formerly belonging to the old chief, Ihaka Whanga, but now the property of Mr. S. Locke) has a thin piece of dark hardwood, of a broadly elliptic form, and measuring 5x3 inches, most dexterously fitted in to fill up a hole in the upper part of the body or large whorl of the shell; which piece of wood is also curved and ribbed, or scraped to resemble and closely match the transverse ridges of the shell; and additionally carved … ; besides being ornamented with strips of bird's skin and feathers; the plumage of the kakapo, or ground parrot…. The old Maoris informed Mr. Locke that only one sort of wood was used by them for such purposes, it being very sonorous, viz., kaiwhiria (Hedycaria dentata). Of this wood they formerly made their best loud-sounding drums, or gongs (pahu), which were sus pended in their principal forts. They also manufactured several other musical instruments from this wood, for the producing of delicate sounds to accompany their singing."
Polack contributes the following remarks:—"Shells or conches, to which are affixed, with some ingenuity, mouth pieces of carved wood, are also prized by the people. A strip of dog's skin is attached to them for portability. The noise is as rude as can well be imagined. These conches are sometimes used in war to collect a scattered party, but as they do not admit of modulation the name of musical instrument can scarcely be applied to them."
Mr White remarks that the wooden mouthpiece was made in two pieces, lashed together when affixed to the shell; the binding material often being aka kiekie. The shell itself was known as pupu tara, the word pupu being a generic term for certain forms of univalve shells.
The Maori always cut off the conical point of the shell and there secured the mouthpiece, but at Fiji, the Society Isles, and many other isles, a round hole was made in the side of the conical end,
Ellis tells us that the sound of the Tahitian shell trumpets was more horrific than that of their drums. He proceeds:—"The largest shells were usually selected for this purpose, and were sometimes above a foot in length, and seven or eight inches in diameter at the mouth. In order to facilitate the blowing of this trumpet, they made a perforation, about an inch in diameter, near the apex of the shell. See Fig. 99 (p. 289). Into this they inserted a bamboo cane, about
When Cook lay off Tubuai isle in August, 1777, some natives approached the vessel in a canoe:—"One of them kept blowing a large conch shell, to which a reed, nearly two feet long, was fixed; at first with a continued tone of the same kind, but he afterwards converted it into a kind of musical instrument perpetually repeating two or three notes with the same strength."
An illustration in Porter's Voyage to the Pacific, shows a war conch or shell trumpet, much resembling the Maori item, save that the hole has been formed in the side near the apex, the latter being left intact. A bunch of what looks like hair is attached to the large end of the shell, and a sling cord is attached for con venience of carrying.
Samoan chiefs used these trumpets as did the Maori, to announce their approach to a village, when travelling.
According to a paper by J. W. Jackson, noted in Nature of March 2nd, 1916, shell trumpets were formerly used over a vast area extending from the Mediterranean to India and right across the Pacific Ocean to America.
Forster mentions seeing one at Queen Charlotte Sound in 1773, of which he says:—"Another trumpet was made of a large whelk (Murex tritonis), mounted with wood, and pierced at the point where the mouth is applied; a hideous bellowing was all the sound that could be procured out of this instrument."
The Maori prized these trumpets, and the shells were but rarely found. They were passed down from one generation to another, and were given special names. Te Umu-kohukohu was the name of an old one belonging to the Rua-tahuna natives. It was, I believe, presented to one of our governors some years ago. Another old specimen, named Te Awa a Te Atua is in the Mair collection, Auck land Museum.
In Monneron's Journal of De Surville's voyage (published in McNab's Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. 2) we find a brief note as follows:—"We saw amongst the New Zealanders some musical instruments; one is made of shell, to which is adjusted a a round tube 3 in. or 4 in. long; they draw from it sounds similar to those of the bagpipes. It is without doubt the instrument of which Abel Tasman speaks. The other instrument is about 1½ in. long, hollow and with only one hole. They draw from it five or six sounds
In late times the Maori has occasionally used cows horns for signalling purposes. To some extent they were used as speaking trumpets, as in calling to neighbouring hamlets to assemble at a certain place.
The shell trumpet is an instrument that has been used from remote times. It has been employed in Britain, across Europe, and as far as India, China, Japan, Malaysia, the Pacific Isles, and the two Americas. The Triton shell trumpet was used by the Greeks in war and peace for signalling purposes. In Mediterranean lands the apex of the shell seems to have been removed, as was done with the sacred chank of India (Turbinella pyrum), which was employed as a trumpet in connection with Hindu and Buddhist religious ceremonies, including harvest rites.
The Japanese were wont to fit a brass mouthpiece to the shell trumpet. In Borneo the apex was removed, as in New Zealand, but a Celebes specimen has the hole at the side of one of the upper whorls. Eastward of Celebes this side aperture is noted in many isles, and seems to be pretty general in Melanesia and Polynesia, though at Efate, New Hebrides, the apex was removed. In Brown's Races of Mankind the shell trumpet of Peru is alluded to as a pu tatu, a name that has a Polynesian aspect.
In a work entitled The Sacred Chank of India, by Jas. Hornell, it is shown that the conch or shell trumpet has been much employed in India, even in pre-Aryan times. Not only was it used as a war trumpet, but also for ceremonial purposes. "From the earliest times the conch has also been used in India to call the people to their sacrifices and other religious rites, and as an instrument of invocation to call the attention of the gods to the ceremonies to be performed."
Fig. 100 (p. 291) shows two Maori shell trumpets both of which are in the Auckland Museum. Here we see carefully fashioned wooden mouthpieces secured by lashings to the shells, the apices of the whorls having been cut off. Some form of gummy substance seems to have been employed in at least some cases in order to make a tight join.
Two good specimens of these shell horns or trumpets are illustrated in Fig. 101 (p. 292). The feathers attached to the cord of specimen A are said to be those of the kakapo or ground parrot (Stringops habroptilus). This specimen is in the Christchurch Museum. Specimen B is in the Dominion Museum. Both are fitted with the carefully fashioned and fitted wooden mouthpieces so much appreciated by the Maori, the carved designs of which have been carefully executed.
We have now come to a most primitive form, but one that has been used in almost all parts of the world. Though it may appear to be a somewhat anomalous proceeding, these rude sound makers are included under the head of musical instruments. From one point of view, they may be termed wind instruments.
In his Study of Man, Professor Haddon has brought together in one paper notices of the use of the bullroarer from many lands, and gives an interesting table of the uses to which the implement was put, and curious beliefs connected with it, among these being:—
It is an interesting fact that the bullroarer was used in the most cultured period of Greek civilisation during the performance of
The bullroarer is known to the Maori as a huhu, purorohu, turorohu, rangorango, wheorooro, and purerehua. It consists of a thin, flat piece of wood, usually heart wood of matai (Podocarpus spicatus), 12 in. to 18 in. in length and an elongated oval in outline. To one end is attached a cord about 4 ft. in length, the other end of which is secured to a rod about 3 ft. long, which serves as a handle. Grasping this rod, the operator whirls it and the attached slat round with gradually increasing swiftness, until it begins to produce a whirring sound, which deepens in volume until, perhaps, it may be best described as a whirring boom. Some natives state that this sound is caused by the wairua, or soul, of the operator.
The bullroarer was called a turorohu, or huhu, by the Ngati-Porou folk, who formed it from a piece of matai wood. Tuta Nihoniho explains that this implement was used in a curious ceremony performed in olden times in order to bring rain. When rain was needed, as for crops, an adept would, during the evening or night, proceed to demand rain. He would go forth with a bullroarer and a handful of ashes, throw the ashes toward the south (the rainy quarter) and commence to sound his huhu by swinging it round, at the same time turning his back on the south in an insulting manner, so that it would become angry and send a storm (a ka whakapo-hane i tona whew ki te tonga, kiapukuriri hoki te tonga; a ka hapainga mai nga marangai, nga hau, nga ngaru, nga aha). As he swung his huhu round, he repeated the following charm:
This curious performance, we are informed, would certainly produce a rain storm from the south. The bullroarer was swung with a handle like the Tuhoe one. Children would be chided if they sounded a bullroarer, and told that such an act would cause a rain storm. "Kati te mahi; he taritari marangai tena mahi!" This looks as though this implement was not used as a toy, but only in connection with ceremonial usages, which reminds one of its use in the ritual of Australian natives, and other peoples.
In Vol. 34 of the Transactions of the N.Z. Institute is a description of an implement made from a piece of whale's bone, that was found at the Chatham Isles, and which is spoken of as a bullroarer. It certainly may have been so used, but the matter rests on supposition only.
In Vol. 8 of Spolia Zeylanica, A. A. Perera has a note to the effect that boys in Ceylon use the bullroarer to keep cattle away from the paddy fields. "It is made of a thin, oblong piece of wood or bamboo, attached to a stick by a string, and swung rapidly round; its humming sound is said to resemble a cheetah's growl."
This simple instrument was used in ceremonial performances in New Guinea, and the fact that they were sounded in order to make the yams grow, was possibly coupled with the peculiar belief held by those natives that the sound was caused by spirits. In the New Hebrides and Australia the bullroarer was also used ceremonially, and held by the people to be a tapu and uncanny object.
In Fig. 102 (p. 295) are shown four of these Maori bullroarers, as also a specimen of the kororohu or wairori, the 'whizzer' of the small boy, of which instrument more anon. A is an old specimen of bullroarer in the British Museum that is l1½ in. in length. B represents a specimen in the Dominion Museum that is attached to the whirling stick. This is a well-carved specimen, and has a few shell discs inserted. C shows a plain form, entirely unadorned, while D appears in Maori Art.
Two bullroarers from New Guinea in the Dominion Museum (Nos. G 1523 and G 1525) are adorned on one side with carved designs consisting of grotesque representations of the human figure. One of these specimens is slightly over 2 ft. in length, and a little under 3 in. in width. The other is 1 ft. 10 in. long and 3 in. wide. Thus they are much narrower in proportion to their length than are our local specimens.
This simple little instrument is well known in Europe. It served as a pastime among Maori children, and even among young women and youths. It was made in much the same form as the bullroarer, pointed at both ends, but in length was only about 3 in., and thin. The wood used was heart of matai or mapara, or kaiwhiria. Two holes were pierced in this object near the centre, and a cord passed through these holes and its ends tied together. The thumbs of the operator are inserted in the bights of the loop cord and, by timing the outward pull, the thin piece of wood is made to revolve rapidly both i.e. in a reciprocal manner, as a cord or thong drill is worked. The whizzing sound is produced by the instrument as it rapidly revolves.
This primitive instrument is known as a kŏrŏrŏhū, purorohu, wairori, takawairori, tarari, and porotiti, occasionally as pirorohū.
The following is one of the ditties sung to the whirring of the above toy; it is known as a ngariporotiti:—
A brief and simple recital sometimes accompanying the manipulation of the porotiti was the following:—"Tiwaiwaka te hope, tiwaiwaka." In some cases these instruments were adorned by means of inserting small pieces of brightly coloured Haliotis shell—"Ka tiwhaia ki te paua."
A specimen of this toy is shown in Fig. 102 (p. 295).
It is a singular thing that the true drum was not employed by the Maori, as it was widely used in both Polynesia and Melanesia. The Maori of New Zealand has never, so far as we are aware, made or used anything more than the wooden gong. There were two forms of this instrument; one was simply a flat hewn slab of heart of matai (Podocarpus spicatus), said to be a resonant timber. The other form was more elaborate, a block of sound heartwood hewn into the form of a canoe, and hollowed out carefully, and at the expense of much time and labour, so as to leave a long narrow aperture that widened out to a large hollow space in the interior. The latter form was probably much rarer than the slab form, and the only one ever seen by the writer was made by a Rua-tahuna native for the late Mr. C. E. Nelson about the year 1899. It was about five feet in length, probably smaller than those of former times. It is shown in Fig. 103.
Accounts of the slab form of pahu differ in explanation of the mode of striking them. Some say that they were struck with a wooden club; others that the club was rattled in a hole made through the middle of the slab. These gongs were usually suspended by two ropes, one near each end, from two posts erected on the lookout platform of a pa or fortified village. It was the watchman's duty to strike the gong occasionally, to show that the people were on the alert. It was also used for signalling purposes in war times. The following extract from Mr. White's lectures shows that the slab was sometimes suspended by one end:—
"The resolution for war, or the approach of an enemy, is communicated to the people at large by a trumpet called a pu tara, or by a kind of gong formed out of a piece of matai wood, hung by one end and struck with a stone at the other."
In the Journal of Sir G. Grey's overland expedition in 1850, mention is made of a pa named Nga Tukituki a Hika-wera, that formerly existed on Mount Aroha-uta, which had been built by a chief named Ruinga. This fortified place had been considered almost impregnable; the posts of it still remained at that time (1850). "As an instance of the great distance at which the sound of the pahu or ancient native gong could be heard, he informed us that the pahu in this pa had been heard at Matamata, which is not less than twelve or fourteen miles."
"The pahu or native gong was a large piece of oval wood, hollowed out something in the shape of a shallow bowl, and made as thin as possible, upon the principle of the sounding board. This instrument was hung to a post in the centre of the pa, and was sounded (by striking it with a heavy piece of wood) as an alarm in case of attack in time of war, on which occasions only it was used; and in order to prevent it being sounded by children, or otherwise without reason, it was hung at a great height, so that the person sounding it had to mount a sort of platform or scaffolding, in order to reach it."
Angas has left us a note on this instrument: "Amidst the decaying ruin of the pa of Otawhao I found the pahu or war bell, an instrument now fallen into disuse, and regarded as obsolete; it was only sounded when an enemy was expected. It is an oblong piece of wood, about six feet long, with a groove in the centre; and being slung by ropes of flax, was struck with a heavy piece of wood, by a man who sat on an elevated scaffold, crying out at every stroke the watchword of alarm. It was only during the night that the pahu was sounded, for the purpose of informing the enemy that the inmates of the pa were awake, and also to let the people of the pa know that the sentinel is on the look-out. Its sound is a most melancholy one, the dull heavy strokes breaking with a solemn monotony on the stillness of the night: tolling, as it were, the death knell of many to be slain on the morrow." The pahu illustrated in Angas' Savage Life and Scenes is of the same form as that illustrated in Thomson's Story of New Zealand, a flat slab of wood suspended above a watchman's stage in a horizontal position, not edgewise, a hole in its centre seems to be a pierced one, not a mere groove. The operator is shown as having his beater thrust into the hole, as though he was dashing it from side to side of the aperture. This illustration is reproduced in Fig. 104 (p. 299).
Thomson provides a brief passage on the gong:—
"Suspended by cords from an elevated stage hung a wooden gong twelve feet long, not unlike a canoe in shape, which, when struck with a wooden mallet, emitted a sound heard in still weather twenty miles off."
Thomson's illustration of the gong is not the one he describes, but that illustrated in Angas, a very different form; see Fig. 104 below.
Among Ngati-Porou the pahu was made of totara, matai, and, in some cases, says Tuta, of maire, which seems unusual. In some cases it was apparently merely a large slab or plank of wood suspended from two posts, sometimes made like a kumete or trough, then turned bottom uppermost and so struck. But, according to Tuta Nihoniho, the better type was made by hollowing out two pieces of timber, then fitting and lashing them together, when they somewhat resembled a cask in form. One, and sometimes two, mallets or beaters were used to sound these pahu, such clubs being occasionally fashioned from a whale's bone.
Some corroboration is needed ere this latter form of pahu is accepted. While an excellent way in which to construct wind instruments, such as flutes and trumpets, it seems rather doubtful whether a wooden gong would produce much sound when beaten, if made of two pieces bound together with vines. It resembles, however, a Rarotongan form, though this seems to have been a true drum, not a gong.
The following extract from Out in the Open shows that a wooden gong was in use in the Waikato district as late as the early eighties of the last century:—"The Hauhau call to prayers is sounded by the beating of the pahu, a sounding piece of wood, struck on its edges by persons furnished with short batons as it hangs suspended from a pole supported by two forked sticks. It is made (when procurable) of the wood of the porokaiwhiria (Hedycaria dentata) an aromatic tree. According to Paora Tu-haere (Ngati-Whatua), these wooden gongs were formed of large dimensions, sometimes over twenty feet in length; they could be heard at some twelve miles distance; it was struck in cases of alarm, when the people flocked immediately into the pa. A celebrated pahu on a hill in the isthmus of Auckland, sounded the alarm for the whole isthmus." No large sized slab or plank of kaiwhiria timber could possibly be obtained, it being but a small tree. Matai would provide a long and wide plank of heart wood.
Tradition tells us that a slab of nephrite (greenstone) was used as a gong at the fortified place on One Tree Hill, Auckland, in former times. See Dominion Museum Bulletin No. 4 (p. 193)
There is yet another kind of pahu to be mentioned, for standing trees, stumps, or even logs, that had become hollow, and possessed resonant qualities, were sometimes utilised as gongs. On the old bush track from Ruatahuna to Maunga-pohatu, at a place called Te Kakau, stood for many years a hollow totara (Podocarpus totara) tree known as Totara-pakopako. This was a 'sounding tree' used
A more famous tree gong was one that formerly stood on a hill near Te Apu, on the old native track from Whirinaki to Ahikereru, Te Whaiti district. Of this tree Captain G. Mair writes:—"When General Whitmore's force invaded Ruatahuna in May, 1869, the friendly natives represented to the General that it was of supreme importance to secure this tree to prevent the enemy giving the alarm and ambuscading the column. Accordingly the writer was sent forward during the night with forty picked natives to seize the position, which was done, and thus the force was enabled to capture the Harema pa and a large number of prisoners. This unique pahu was formed out of a living totara tree. The tree had a
Mr Coleman Wall informed me that he saw a hollow tree trunk serving as a gong on a small island off Malekula, in the New Hebrides, many years ago.
Ellis mentions a case in which a stone suspended from a tree was used as a substitute for a church bell on an isle in Eastern Polynesia:—"It was a rough, flat, oval shaped stone, about three feet long and twelve or eighteen inches wide." This was struck with a smaller stone, and the sound so caused is said to have been considerable, but not such as could be heard at a distance.
The other form of pahu, an artificially hollowed block or log of wood, is found in Melanesia and western Polynesia, but apparently not in eastern Polynesia, where the true drum is used.
The Rev. G. Turner describes a drum used by the Samoans that must have resembled one form of the Maori pahu; it was a log of wood, six or eight feet long, hollowed out from a narrow elongated opening on the upper surface; and this they beat with a short stick or mallet. This was a Fijian form. See Fig. 107 (p. 303).
In writing of the natives of Niue, Mr. Percy Smith remarks:— "Drums were used called nafa and longo; the only one I saw was a log hollowed with an open split nearly its whole length."
Cook gave us the following account of the drums of the Tongans:— "They are large cylindrical pieces of wood, or trunks of trees, from three to four feet long, some twice as long and some smaller, hollowed entirely out, but close at both ends, and open only by a chink about three inches broad, running almost the whole length of the drums, by which opening the rest of the wood is certainly hollowed, though
The following remarks on the Tongan gong are from the account of George Vesson's sojourn in that group, he being one of the first band of Missionaries sent to that group:—"The principal instrument is a kind of drum, formed out of a log of wood, hollowed through with a long small aperture, and laid lengthways upon two pieces of wood. This is beaten…."
This Tongan instrument is decidedly a Melanesian form, resembling the Fijian lali, which was a short log, hollowed out, square ended. The long opening on the top was much narrower than the interior hollow. It was beaten on the edges of the narrow opening.
St. Johnston speaks of the Fijian lali or gong as being about four feet long, boat shaped, and formed from one thick log of wood.
That the pahu of Tahiti, is or was, a true drum, is shown in the following passage. Ellis states that, at Tahiti, dancing was accompanied by songs, and the music of drum and flute. The Tahitian drum (pahu) was cut out of a solid block of wood, the open end being covered with a piece of shark's skin. A smaller drum was termed toere (Cf. Maori tokere).
Of the Tahitian drum Banks writes in his journal:—"Their drums. … are made of a hollow block of wood covered with shark's skin; with these they make out five or six tunes, and accompany the flute not disagreeably. They also know how to tune two drums of different notes into concord, which they do nicely enough." We have now ample proof that the Polynesians who peopled New Zealand came from the Society Group, and it seems curious that they did not introduce the true drum here, unless the knowledge of that instrument has been acquired since the settling of New Zealand.
Ellis speaks of the Hawaiian drum as a hollowed out block of wood, the top being covered with shark's skin, and beaten with the fingers or palm of the hand…."A neat little drum, made of the shell of a large cocoa-nut, was also fixed on the knee, by the side of the large drum, and beat with a small stick held in the left hand." Elsewhere he speaks of "a rustic little drum, formed of a calabash, beautifully stained, and covered at the head with a piece of shark's skin." Forster remarked that the drums of the Marquesans resembled those of the Tahitians.
Williams speaks of having seen at Savaii:—"Two persons drumming an instrument formed of a mat wound tight round a framework of reeds." Now I was once regaled with what I considered to be a wild tale, related by a member of the Ngati-Porou tribe, of a contrivance formerly used as is a pahu, to sound an alarm. A quantity of bark of the houhi tree was wrapped round with whitau, dressed Phormium fibre, and suspended on the watchman's platform. It was termed a pakuru, and was struck with a wooden beater. How any sound could be so produced the writer cannot understand. In the British Museum, however, is a so called New Guinea drum consisting of an oblong sheet of bark.
The name of the smaller drum of Tahiti was toere (to'ere), a word showing the dropped 'k'. This would be tokere in Maori, and, curiously enough, we have the word in Williams' Maori Dictionary as meaning a musical instrument, though what is not stated. The example given, however:—"E whakatokere ana nga tohunga i nga iwi o Wahieroa" seems to show that the tokere was a form of flute, fife or whistle. A native of the Tuhoe tribe states that a kind of clappers formerly used were called tokere, but no corroboration of this has been obtained.
In Fig. 103 (p. 298) we have a fair representation of the canoe shaped form of wooden gong, as made by the Maori folk in former times. Of the very long slab-like form, suspended edgewise, we have no illustration to insert here. So far as we knew the Maori never employed here the true drum of Polynesia, as used at Tahiti and elsewhere, but confined himself to gong-like forms. These gongs were widely used in Fiji and Melanesia, and it will be noted that the Tongan gong in Fig. 106 (p. 302) closely resembles that of Fiji marked B in Fig. 107 (p. 303), as also that of New Britain in Fig. 106 (p. 302). The box-like form of Fiji (Fig. 107 A and C p. 303) was apparently unknown in New Zealand.
Illustrations of the true drums of Polynesia and New Guinea are given in Fig. 108 (p. 306). Here we have four specimens of the true drum, as distinct from the gong-like forms of Figs. 103, 104, 105, 106, and 107 (pp. 298 to 303). A represents a large drum from the Cook Islands that is 4 ft. 11 in. in height and 20 in. wide. It is covered with some kind offish skin. B is from Mangaia Island; it is 2 ft. 2 in. in height and 9 in. in width. This specimen is open at one side, and so resembles some of the gongs illustrated. In C we have an Hawaiian form that is 1 ft. 2 in. in height; it is a hollowed section of coconut palm trunk and is covered with shark skin. D shows a drum from New Guinea, a type that is represented in the Dominion Museum. This is quite a handy form, being but 2 ft. 1 in. in height and being provided
A large and cumbrous form of log gong from Melanesia is in the Dominion Museum; it is shown in Fig. 109A (p. 307). Fig. 109 (p. 307) represents carefully made sketches of three specimens of similar gongs of the New Hebrides that are depicted in The Savage South Seas, by Norman Hardy and in the Edge-Partington Album of artifacts of Pacific lands. These log-like forms were set up in a vertical position, the specimen marked A is 7 ft. 10 in. in height.
Fig. 109A (p. 307) represents a log gong from the New Hebrides that is in the Dominion Museum. This specimen is a cumbrous form of gong, little wonder that such were inserted in the earth and so left. Its height is 10 ft. 6 in. as it now stands, and a few feet must be added to that, probably not less than two, for the missing part that was formerly embedded in the earth. The log is not round, being 1 ft. 5 in. in diameter one way, and 1 ft. 10 in. the other. The slit-like aperture through which the interior was hollowed out is 2J in. wide at its narrowest part; the edges have crumbled away in some places; this slit is of the same length as the hollowed interior, 5 ft. The hollow
This simple instrument is nothing more than a straight piece of wood which is tapped with a smaller piece. A specimen measured was 15 in. long, 1¼ in. wide at one end, ¾ in. at the other, one side being flat and the other convex. One end was held lightly by the fingers of the left hand, its other end was put between the teeth of the operator, when it was struck with a wooden tapper held in the right hand. Thus it was a kind of time beater to the songs called rangi pakuru, sung at the same time by the operator. Some of these ditties are apparently meaningless, such as this one:—
Follows another rangi pakuru of a less gibberish like composition:—
The pakuru was made from pieces of matai, kaiwhiria or mapara wood; the latter being the hard, durable heart wood of Podocarpus dacrydiodes. Some of these instruments were adorned with carved designs, others were almost plain, except the serrated edges. In some cases a number of persons joined in a performance of singing and tapping the pakuru. A good specimen is in the possession of Major-General Robley; it shows one end and one side carved, and the tapping stick has a disc of Haliotis shell set in its thicker end. This pakuru by a string passing through the carved end of the latter, and on the string are strung a number of Dentalium shells. The dark bands seen have been produced by agency of fire. The string is double and looks like one of the old Dentalium necklaces. See Fig. 110 (p. 309).
Of the pakakau, Colenso writes "Two small smooth sticks, each about 18 inches long, were made, one of them was held in the mouth, while the other was used to strike that one at the end; the performer at the same time humming the tune."
In his lectures, Mr John White remarks:—"Pakuru: A piece of kaiwhiria wood about twelve inches in length, one end of which is put into the mouth and the other end beaten with a stick, each blow being accompanied by words emitted by the opening and com¬pressing of the lips. These words were a set form." In Vol. II of his Maori History this writer gives the following: "The pakuru was
matai wood about 18 in. long, and about an inch in diameter, slightly flat in the centre, and tapering a little at each end; the ends were carved and the middle was left smooth. It was suspended from the thumb of the left hand by a piece of string tied to each end of it, so that one end should be a little within the teeth when the mouth was partially open. The performer held in his right hand, interlaced between the three middle fingers, another piece of matai wood, about ten inches long and as thick as a man's middle finger, and with this he struck the suspended stick gently, while he breathed the words of the song, producing the higher or lower tones by closing or opening his lips."
The tapper of a pakuru was occasionally fashioned from whale's bone. Natives state that, though the end of the pakuru is held lightly between the teeth, yet the lips are not allowed to touch it.
With the pakakau of New Zealand may be compared the hura ka raau (hura ta rakau) of the Hawaiians, as described by Ellis. In this case a small stick, six to nine inches in length, was used wherewith to strike a staff five or six feet long, three or four inches in diameter at one end and tapering to a point at the other.
It is not certain that the Maori used any form of wooden clappers in former times; early writers do not mention anything of the kind. Parkinson, Forster, and Ellis all state that the Tahitians used pearl shells as clappers, the latter adding that the two shells used were of different sizes.
A Tuhoe native informed the writer that bone clappers were formerly used by his people, and known as tokere, but no corroboration has been received. The idea may have been borrowed from Europeans. Tuta Nihoniho, of Ngati-Porou, describes two simple forms that were used on the East Coast, as follows:—
Two forms of clappers were made of the basal parts of the Phor-mium leaf. In one of these a short piece of thick leaf base was separated into its two halves, one held in each hand and so clapped together. Such crude clappers were termed pākēkē (all vowels long), which looketh like a sound word. Another form, the pakoko, was made of a similar piece of the thick part of a flax (Phormium) leaf', but the two halves were not entirely separated. The two halves were separated to within a few inches of the butt end, then one half was bent abruptly outwards and downwards, the effect being to so weaken its rigidity at the point of bending that it moved easily as though on a hinge. This item was held by its lower part, where the two halves
We know that, of all musical instruments introduced by Europeans, but few appealed to the Maori, and among these were the concertina and Jew's harp, to which, in later days, was added the mouth organ. The Jew's harp has ever been a great favourite, and is called roria; in some places kukau. The name roria was that of a very primitive instrument used in pre-European days.
In describing Marsden's visit to Kaipara in 1820, a native said:— "The things that Mr. Marsden brought with him were pipes, Jew's harps, and a she goat. The Maoris were delighted at the Jew's harp, for their own roria were made of supplejack bark."
It would appear that roria is a genuine Maori word and is given as such in Williams' Maori Dictionary, which gives its meaning as Jew's harp. Mr. White's remarks seem to show that there was a pre-European roria, which might account for the name of Tangi-te-roria, a place in the Kai-para district. The Rev. J. Buller tells us that the place was named from the audible vibration caused by tide waters rushing swiftly through an eel weir, which sound was compared to that of the large conch shell, which was their war trumpet. Hence the name of Tangi-te-roria.
We lack any evidence, other than the above, that the term roria was applied to the shell trumpet; it is highly improbable.
In describing his travels in the far north in the thirties, Polack remarks:—"I was pleased in being able to add to their amusements by the gift of that primitive instrument, a Jew's harp, which was received as an inestimable gift and essayed upon by each of the company."
The great care displayed by a Maori in selecting a Jew's harp, and their ingenuity in altering its sound, is well described by Colenso in Contributions towards a better Knowledge of the Maori Race, published in the Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, Vol. 13, p. 82.
A description of Maori instruments given by a native to Mr. John White contains the following remarks:—
Another instrument was the roria. It was made of matai or titoki or maire wood. A piece of wood was split about the size of the little finger, and flat. It was scraped with a kokota shell and shaved down with greenstone until quite thin at one end, but left larger at the other end where held in the hand. The larger end was held in the left roria with the forefinger of his right hand. He also accompanied the performance with a song, not a real song but only a murmuring in his throat to which the sound of the roria gave expression as the lips of the performer were moved. The roria sounds very well when played by an expert.
W. B. tells us that the hard, black parts of the interior of the trunk of the mamaku tree fern (Cyathea medullaris) were utilised as material for roria. A strip about 6 in. long and ½ in. wide was dried, then shaved and scraped until very thin. This was held against the teeth and struck outwards. During the vibration of the instrument the operator is said to have crooned words in such a manner that the vibration amplified the sound. In syncopating passages of a song it is said to have been effective.
All these instruments were played in the whare matoro in times of peace. On such evenings elderly men would teach young folk how to perform on such things, and speak of famous performers of former times, and teach the songs that pertained to the different instruments, for each one had its own peculiar song. The notes of the pu tara conveyed certain words, but no words pertained to the pahu, which was merely made to resound.
In his account of the Caroline Isles and their inhabitants, Mr. Christian writes:—"It seems to me that they had a sort of Jew's harp of their own, like the Samoan utete, but the modern ones have ousted the ancient article." He also states that the islanders possessed flutes, and shell trumpets pierced as are those of Fiji and Tahiti.
A form of Jew's harp consisting of a piece of bamboo, is employed by some tribes of Borneo; a specimen from the Solomon Isles is depicted in Edge-Partington's Album. The material employed by our Maori folk in most cases was a strip of the outer part of the supplejack cane. In late times a piece of the outer part of maize stalks has been used for the purpose. The Fijians employed a strip of bamboo for the purpose.
Natives tell us that players of the roria, pakuru, and certain wind instruments would repeat the words of a tune they were playing by breathing such words. In this connection Tylor tells us that the common Jew's harp can be made to utter the vowel sounds by simply putting the mouth in the proper position for speaking the vowel, when the harp is struck. The player's voice emits no sound, but the vibratory tongue of the harp placed in front of the mouth acts as a substitute for the vocal chords.
If the Maori had a primitive form of roria in pre-European times it is quite possible that it was a similar instrument to that made by the natives of Borneo from a piece of bamboo, and which is depicted in Ling Roth's Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo.
The manipulation of Jew's harps by Tongans is described by St. Johnston:—"Berrill gave the musician two little Jew's harps, whose shrill tones he changed to mellowness by wrapping a thread round the tongue of each, and the music that he produced from those miserable things was marvellous. He could play two harps at once, holding one to his mouth, which he played with a finger, and the other one held in his teeth, which he played with his tongue, and the effect was astounding. Afterwards he and his friend played a duet, snapping their fingers as a sort of rude accompaniment, the chief musician introducing a strange variation by playing the instrument with his tongue, and placing his hollowed hands over his mouth, he slowly opened and closed them, which made the sound to swell and then to die away, as though it were miles distant."
The string instruments of the Maori are almost as easily disposed of as the snakes of Ireland. In a list of instruments formerly made by the Maori, we find the names of ku, to and torehe. These names appear in the legend or myth of the slaying of Kae. Of the last two nothing is known, but a few natives have a dim memory of some instrument called a ku. In a private communication Canon Stack speaks thus of it:—"Do you know anything of the musical instrument called ku? It was a one stringed instrument made in the shape of a bow about ten inches long, out of a hard piece of matai. The string was of whitau [dressed Phormium fibre]. It was held near the ear when played, and the sound was produced by tapping it with a rod."
The late Tuta Nihoniho, of the East Coast, gave the following account of a primitive child's toy called a tirango that might be viewed as a first step towards stringed instruments. It was merely a very simple item made for children by bending a thin piece of kareao (stem of the climbing plant Rhipogonum scandens) in the form of a bow, and fastening to its two ends as a bowstring a strip of the base of a leaf of raupo (Typha augustifolia). The base of a raupo leaf has a very thin edge of a flaccid nature, and it is this edge, fluttering or vibrating in its swift passage through the air, that produces the sound. A short cord was secured by one end to one end of the bow, and by the other end to a stick used as a handle. By means of this handle the tirango was whirled round as is a bullroarer, and produced a whirring
rango, hence the name of the instrument. Apparently the prefixed syllable ti is of a causative nature here, as observed in the words tiwaha and tirama.
A two-stringed instrument of the bow form was known to the natives of the Solomon Isles; it was played with a plectrum of bamboo. Fig. 111 (p. 314) shows a specimen 16¼ inches in length depicted in the Edge-Partington Album. A more carefully made specimen in the British Museum is from Espiritu Santo Island of the New Hebrides Group. It is 19½ inches long and we are told that one end was held between the teeth of the operator. This implement is shown in Fig. 111 as copied from the Edge-Partington Album.
Fig. 112 (p. 314) represents a peculiar artifact said to have been found at Purakanui, Otago, and which some genius has labelled 'Maori Flute.' It is more in sorrow than in anger that we disclaim this weird looking object. As a seven bowled tobacco pipe it might satisfy the most ardent of smokers. Possibly it hails from the far north.